scholarly journals The Parliament of the Republic of China

1914 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-562
Author(s):  
F. J. Goodnow

A study of the history of China would serve to reveal the fact that notwithstanding the great duration of Chinese political life there has been comparatively speaking little change in the political organization of the country. With the exception of the abolition of, to use a European expression, the “feudal system” which existed for several centuries before about 200 B. C., Chinese history presents no instance of any important change in political forms.The character of the political organization which existed both prior and subsequent to the abolition of this “feudal system” was absolute monarchy, what is sometimes called autocracy. In this respect China differed little if any from other Asiatic peoples, whose great contribution to the political development of the human race has been the conception of an all powerful king or monarch in whom all the functions of government were concentrated.

Author(s):  
Kanybek A. Kudayarov ◽  

Kyrgyzstan, like other states of the post-Soviet space, has passed a challenging path in its development since gaining independence. Three de- cades of the republic’s existence in the new geopolitical conditions revealed the peculiarities of its political, socio-economic and cultural evolution, that distinguish the Kyrgyz Republic from the Central Asian neighbours and other republics of Commonwealth of Independent States. Supporting the concept of the history of the Kyrgyz people while preserving certain traditions of the Turkic nomadic civilization has become a fundamental part of the emerging national identity. Another important feature of building the political system in the Kyrgyz Republic is the attempt to create a Western-style democratic state based on its own experience of implementing “nomadic democracy”. The presence of constant zigzag jumps in the evolution of the political system of the republic (i.e., repeated transitions from the presidential form of government to the presidential-parliamentary form and back) can be traced throughout the existence of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. At the same time, it should be noted that the described processes are due to a special geographical location, which ini- tially affects the formation of the corresponding type of economic management. That in turn, affects the political development of the country.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (S349) ◽  
pp. 222-227
Author(s):  
Xiaowei Liu

AbstractThe so-called China crisis, well documented in History of the IAU by Adriaan Blaauw and in Under the Same Starry Sky: History of the IAU by Chengqi Fu and Shuhua Ye, refers to the withdrawal in 1960 of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from the Union. The crisis stemmed from the admission by the IAU, amidst strong protest from PRC and some other member countries, of the Republic of China (ROC) to the Union, creating the so-called “Two Chinas” – or “One China, one Taiwan” problem. The crisis directly led to the absence of mainland Chinese astronomers from the stage of international collaborations and exchanges, and was only solved two decades later. The solution, accepted by all the parties involved, is that China is to have two adhering organizations, with mainland China astronomers represented by the Chinese Astronomical Society located in Nanjing (China Nanjing) and China Taiwan astronomers represented by the Academia Sinica located in Taipei (China Taipei). The denominations “China Nanjing” and “China Taipei” represent the IAU official resolution and should be used in all IAU events.The China crisis, probably the most serious one in IAU history, was a painful lesson in the 100-year development of the Union. Yet, with its eventual solution, the Union has emerged stronger, upholding its spirit of promoting astronomical development through international collaboration of astronomers from all regions and countries, regardless of the political systems, religion, ethnicity, gender or level of astronomical development.


Africa ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. D. Hammond-Tooke

Opening ParagraphThe aim of this paper is to discuss certain aspects of the political organization of the Cape Nguni, with special reference to the formation of political units. Its preparation forms part of a larger study undertaken by the writer on the nature and direction of political development in the Transkeian Territories of the Republic of South Africa, which has culminated in the establishment of a system of what approximates to indirect rule based on indigenous structures, known as Bantu Authorities. It is one of the basic tenets of the study that in a situation in which indigenous populations are subjected to external control, and even more when traditional structures are themselves used as instruments of government, traditional premisses (to use a term of Maquet) must be taken into account. The acceptance, or otherwise, of authority must obviously depend to a large degree on traditional concepts of where authority resides, its sanctions, extent, and limitations. Some attempt at a reconstruction of the pattern of tribal governments as they were immediately before the imposition of White control was therefore necessary: this paper discusses a limited aspect of the problem—the formation of the political units themselves.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 565-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER H. WILSON

The German political scientist and philosopher, Samuel von Pufendorf, described the Holy Roman Empire in 1667 as a ‘monstrosity’, because it did not fit any of the recognized definitions of a state. The issue of the Empire's statehood has been the most important consideration in its historiography in recent decades: was it a state? If so, what kind? This review addresses these questions by examining how the debate on the Empire is related to wider controversies surrounding German history, the contemporary process of European integration, and about political organization in general. It explains how these debates are rooted in the political and religious disputes of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that still influence how the history of the Empire is written today. The four principal modern interpretations are identified and assessed: the Empire as a ‘failed nation state’, as a federation, and, more recently, as an ‘Empire-State’ or a ‘Central Europe of the Regions’. The piece concludes by offering a new explanatory framework to assess the Empire's political development.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Stefan Karner

In this article, the reader is offered not just the history of the formation of the Austrian People's Party, but in a broader sense, the internal political development of the Republic of Austria after 1945. Based on a wide range of historical sources, the development of the political consensus in Austria in the post-war period, the peculiarities of the formation of the foreign policy course and the choice of the policy of neutrality by Austria are shown. Special attention is paid to major Austrian political figures and their vision of strengthening and further development of Austria after the war.


Author(s):  
Sergey Borisovich Glushachenko

The subject of this article is the comparison of the legislation of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan with regards to regulation of the establishment and activity of political parties. Multi-party system became a new phenomenon for both countries at the turn of the XXI century, and one of the tasks faced by the states consisted in its proper normative regulation. History of the countries did not provide adequate source material for the establishment of genuine multi-party system. The political parties basically functioned in the atmosphere of legal vacuum, which attached the attributes of chaos to the political life. Despite the common starting point along with the external similarity of party system in Russia and Kazakhstan, the legislation on parties has national specificity. Kazakhstan's legislation at the constitutional level enshrines the importance of parties for public life of the country. The first law on political parties was adopted in 1996, while the effective law has a different conceptual framework – it arguably became the product of evolution of the party system and corresponds with its current state. Russian legislation on political parties has a shorter history, and clearly is in a formative stage, which is testified by a number of amendments made to the corresponding federal law. However, the legislation of both Russia and Kazakhstan has a number of advantages that should be considered in further improvement of the normative legal base, which is especially relevant in a time of political transformation that affected both countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Kaczorowski

Jan Orzelski was actively involved in the political life of the Republic of the Nobles as a member of a regional assembly, a deputy and next a senator. He recorded the history of his family in the work entitled Annales domus Orzelsciae. It was edited by Adam Tytus Działyński on the basis of a manuscript stored in the Kórnik Library together with a family diary Kopia pobożnej pamięci imci Elżbiety Orzelskiej. Annales… consists of two parts: a comprehensive introduction and a chronicle containing annual entries regarding the most important events in Jan Orzelski’s family in the years 1589–1611 (that period being extended to 1618 by adding the diary Kopia pobożnej pamięci…). Much focus in the first part of the Annales... was placed on Stefan Batory’s military campaigns to conquer Polotsk (1579), Velikiye Luki (1580) and Pskov (1581), in which Jan Orzelski took part as a cavalry captain. The author’s intention, however, was not to describe those military campaigns in detail but to present “only some memorable issues”. The Annales... depicts, first of all, the origins of the “family from Orle”, the history and the characteristics of the family members in the male line. The author included his biography as well.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darina Vasileva

The history of the emigration of Bulgarian Muslim Turks to Turkey is more than a century old. The violation of the human rights of ethnic Turks by the totalitarian regime during the 1980s resulted in the most massive and unpredictable migration wave ever seen in that history. This article examines the complexity of factors and motivations of the 1989 emigration which included almost half of the ethnic Turks living in Bulgaria and constituting until that time 9 percent of the total population. The author considers the strong and long-lasting effect of this emigration—followed by the subsequent return of half of the emigrants after the fall of the regime—both on Bulgaria's economy and on the political life of the society. The article aims also at providing a better understanding of the character of ethnic conflicts in posttotalitarian Eastern Europe.


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