From Imperial Concubine to Model Maoist: The Photographic Metamorphosis of Mei Lanfang

2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUK-YOUNG KIM

This article traces the transnational career of the celebrated Beijing opera female impersonator Mei Lanfang (1894–1961) through photographic documentation of the performer. A wide spectrum of Mei's photos is analysed, which captures him both onstage and offstage. The timeline of these photos ranges from those produced during the Republican period (1911–49) to those produced in the People's Republic of China (PRC) (1949–) and includes media coverage from the US (1920s) and the USSR (1930s). This article raises questions about how nationalism, transnationalism and female impersonator's gender identity are represented in ever-transforming modes.

Author(s):  
Anatoliy V. Goncharenko ◽  
Lybov G. Polyakova

The article researches the US foreign policy towards the PRC during Gerald Ford presidency in 1974-1977. It describes the reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of the US foreign policy strategy in the Chinese direction during the investigated period. There was explored the practical realization of the “Pacific Doctrine”by Washington. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the question of the formation of the Chinese White House policy has been analyzed. The specific foreign policy actions of the administration of the US president Gerald Fordon the PRC in 1974-1977 are analyzed. The chief results of the foreign policy of the administration of the President of the United States Gerald Ford (1974-1977) concerning the PRC, which resulted from the real political steps taken by the leaders of both countries, was the establishment of systematic and reliable channels of bilateral ties, expansion of economic, scientific and cultural contacts, the beginning of a systematic exchange of views on the most important issues of international relations. In the second half of the 70’s of the twentieth century this dialogue ensured the continuity of China’s policy in Washington, which was based on the concept of a “balance of power”, while China played a complementary role in the foreign policy strategy of the White House. These factors formed the “Pacific Doctrine” of G. Ford, which gave Beijing the status of an American partner in maintaining a balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region and consolidated a positive assessment of the place and role of the People’s Republic of China in Asian politics in the United States of America. The return of American political thought to the ideas of the combination policy occurred in the formation of US-Soviet strategic parity and awareness of the ruling circles in the United States, due to the defeat in Vietnam, the limited resources of force influence on the international situation. Started in the United States the study of China’s behavior in the international arena and its power parameters made it possible then to draw a preliminary conclusion that the People’s Republic of China can fill the place of the missing link in the “triangle” of the global scheme – a place of counterweight to the USSR; this required the removal of a US-Chinese confrontation. However, the socio-political and ideological contradictions that were pushed to the foreground on the initial stage of the Chinese policy of the administration of G. Ford and the process of normalization of bilateral relations, again made themselves felt at a later stage. Their injection was promoted by the logic of the development of bilateral US-China relations, as well as by a number of internal objective and subjective reasons, as in the People’s Republic of China (a sharp increase in the struggle for power connected with the illness and death of Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong), and in the United States (Gerald Ford made certain curtseys towards the American right-wing conservative forces and began to intensify approaches to Beijing and Moscow, and also the presidential campaign of 1976). Keywords: the USA, PRC, China, foreign policy, American-Chinese relations, “Pacific Doctrine”, Gerald Ford, Henry Kissinger , Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping.


Author(s):  
Alexander Bukh

Located in the nexus of two critical junctures-the “long 1960s” in the US United States and the collapse of nationalist mythology of the Kuomintang government-the Taiwanese movement for the protection of the Diaoyutai iIslands promoted a new narrative on Chinese national identity. The symbolism ascribed to the disputed islands was rather diverse, but the dominant, left-leaning part of the movement used the disputed islands to reproduce the Kuomintang- created narrative on national humiliation, while replacing the Republic of China with the People’s Republic of China as the center of Chinese national subjectivity. In post-democratization Taiwan, this narrative gained a new political meaning, becoming an integral part of the legitimation strategy deployed by pro-unification political forces.


1987 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-301
Author(s):  
Jasper E. Shealy

The author spent two months as a Faculty member participating in a faculty exchange program in the People's Republic of China. While there, he taught an undergraduate course in Human Factors Engineering in Machine and Workplace design. He also conducted a week long seminar for factory engineering personnel and engineering faculty on the same topics. He consulted with industry and traveled extensively in China during this time. This paper is based on his experiences and observations. Specific topics are: 1) quality and nature of students in the PRC vs. the US, Japan and Europe; 2) Programs in Human Factors in the PRC; 3) Academic Engineering Laboratories in the PRC and 4) Safety Engineering in the PRC.


1998 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Shiang ◽  
S. Barron ◽  
S. Y. Xiao ◽  
R. Blinn ◽  
W. -C. C. Tam

Author(s):  
Sergey S. Goreslavsky ◽  

The article highlights the main parameters of arms market conditions and development tendencies in Southeast Asia countries, which have traditionally attracted the attention of the world's leading producers and exporters of military products, including Russia. The most important international factor is the US-China competition in the region as well as the policy of the People’s Republic of China. In this context, the strategy of the countries pursues to have a restraining influence, what in military construction matters to take measures to modernize and update their weapons along with developing the national military industry. This creates new prospective opportunities for Russia as one of the leaders of the global arms market.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 145-169
Author(s):  
Przemysław Ciborek

In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.


Author(s):  
Przemysław Ciborek

The current state of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China is described by many international relations experts as the best in history. After taking the president office by Donald Trump, the bilateral relations between America and abovementioned powers are cooling down. Current foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation focuses on holding a common position in the international political arena, which is in fact an attempt to counterweight political influence of the US administration and their allies. The dimension of the strategic partnership between China and Russia is also determining the mutual economic dependence, which is now crucial for both powers to build a strong position on the international forum. In addition, Russia is one of the crucial partners for the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by many recognized as the Chinese attempt to break the American economic domination. The collisional course of the American foreign policy towards Russia and China forces the latter to look for Central and Eastern European allies as well as to gain influence in the region of Central Asia which is leading to a constant increase in tensions between China and Russia.


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