Vote Dilution and Suppression in Indian Country

2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Schroedel ◽  
Ryan Hart
Keyword(s):  
Native American ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Inequalities ◽  
Unique Character ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Times ◽  
The Right

The struggle for Native American voting rights has lasted more than two centuries. Although the 1924 Indian Citizenship Act granted citizenship to indigenous peoples born within the geographic boundaries of the United States, it did not ensure the right to vote. Because the Constitution gives states the power to determine the “times, places, and manner of holding elections,” many states statutorily denied Native Americans the franchise until federal lawsuits forced them to change. Having the statutory right to vote, however, did not ensure that it could be exercised in a meaningful way. Since the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act there have been more than ninety voting rights cases involving Native Americans. While the overall historical trend has been toward extending the vote, periods of enhanced voting rights often have been followed by periods of retrenchment. In this article, we argue that the traditional frameworks used to explain racial inequalities fail to account for the unique character of relations between indigenous peoples and the U.S. government, and we propose a tripartite approach that draws from studies in core–periphery development and “racial institutional orders,” but also considers the many ways that tribal identities intersect with these.

Intolerance toward Native American Religions

2020 ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
John Corrigan ◽  
Lynn S. Neal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Native American ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
North America ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Settler Colonialism ◽  
Religious Practice ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Native American Religions

Settler colonialism was imbued with intolerance towards Indigenous peoples. In colonial North America brutal military force was applied to the subjection and conversion of Native Americans to Christianity. In the United States, that offense continued, joined with condemnations of Indian religious practice as savagery, or as no religion at all. The violence was legitimated by appeals to Christian scripture in which genocide was commanded by God. Forced conversion to Christianity and the outlawing of Native religious practices were central aspects of white intolerance.

scholarly journals Managing the Sacred Lands of Native America

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roxanne T. Ornelas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Native American ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
The United States ◽  
Native America ◽  
Historical Overview ◽  
United Nations Declaration ◽  
Sacred Lands

This research paper is a review of ten years of sacred lands management and policy in the United States. The author reports from the unique position of having been involved in national and international meetings with communities of indigenous peoples and intergovernmental stakeholders during this time. Discussion includes an historical overview of such topics as environmental justice and the 2001 Native American Sacred Lands Forum, one of the first national meetings in the United States to specifically address the sacred lands of Native Americans. Further discussion draws attention to the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 as a gateway to better sacred lands management and policy for Native Americans in the future.

Introducing Native American Conflict History (NACH) data

2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332098727
Author(s):  
Brian R Urlacher
Keyword(s):  
Native American ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
The United States ◽  
Historical Record ◽  
Frequency Scale ◽  
Geographic Patterns ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The 19Th Century

The colonization of the Northern Hemisphere between 1500 and 1900 produced nearly 150 separate conflicts between colonial powers and Native American communities. These conflicts have been largely overlooked in studies of international relations, particularly the quantitative tradition of scholarship. This article introduces a new dataset on conflicts involving Native American groups and colonial actors. As a starting point, this article briefly examines how the discipline has approached Native Americans and indigenous peoples. Next, the criteria for a new dataset on Native American Conflict History (NACH) is introduced. The challenges of navigating the historical record are discussed. And finally, a descriptive statistical overview of the data is presented that explores temporal and geographic patterns in the frequency, scale, and duration of conflicts. The article notes different patterns between European state combatants and ‘settler’ state combatants. Notably, the frequency of conflict increases dramatically in both Mexico and the United States during the second half of the 19th century while the scale of conflict remains largely unchanged.

scholarly journals Le Postmoderne et la « Visibilite » des « Invisibles » : Cas des « Native Americans » dans « This Land » de Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (42) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Zouankouan Stéphane Beugre
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Native American ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
American History ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Cet article vise à montrer comment dans la philosophie postmoderne et avec le postmoderne, les « native americans » qui étaient « invisibles » dans la période de l’Eurocentrisme sont passés d’une « invisibilité » à une visibilité véritable. Puisque désormais ils ont droit à la parole et donc ils disent leur part de vérité sur l’histoire des États-Unis et sur leurs propres histoires à eux telle que vécues avec les euro-américains. A travers donc les théories de la déconstruction et de l’historicisme, l’étude a fait remarquer que les « native americans » ont une visibilité dans le monde postmoderne et plus précisément aux États-Unis à travers une visibilité liée à la réclamation de leurs terres, à travers une visibilité liée à la réécriture de l’histoire américaine, d’une part à enseigner sur eux et d’autre part à enseigner sur l’origine des États-Unis ; et enfin à travers une visibilité liée à la restauration et la restitution de leur héritage culturel, cet héritage culturel que les survivants des génocides possèdent et font rayonné. Il faut par ailleurs ajouter que ce passage du statut d’invisibles à la visibilité à trois niveaux (réclamation de leurs terres, réécriture de l’histoire américaine, restauration et restitution de leur héritage culturel) marque un tournant décisif dans la vie des États-Unis et c’est à juste titre que Joe Biden, le Président américain a choisi novembre 2021 pour célébrer l’héritage des «Native Americans».   This article aims to show how in postmodern philosophy and with the postmodern, "native americans" who were "invisible" in the period of Eurocentrism went from "invisibility" to true visibility. Since now they have the right to speak and therefore they can tell their share of the truth about the history of the United States and their own stories as they used to live them since their contact with Euro-Americans. So through the theories of deconstruction and historicism, this study pointed out that “native americans” have visibility in the postmodern world and more precisely in the contemporary United States through a visibility linked to the claim of their lands, through a visibility linked to the rewriting of American history, on the one hand that taught about them and on the other hand that taught about the origin of the United States; and finally through a visibility linked to the restoration and restitution of their cultural heritage, this cultural heritage that the survivors of genocides possess and promote proudly. It should also be added that this passage from the status of invisibility to visibility at three levels (claim of their lands, rewriting of American history, restoration and restitution of their cultural heritage) indicates a decisive turning point in the history of the United States and it is with good reason that Joe Biden, the American President, declared November 2021 to celebrate Native American Heritage.

Science and Politics of Race in Mexico and the United States, 1910-1950

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Alejandra Rosemblatt
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Native American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Crossing ◽  
Shared Networks ◽  
Politics Of Race

In this history of the social and human sciences in Mexico and the United States, Karin Alejandra Rosemblatt reveals intricate connections among the development of science, the concept of race, and policies toward indigenous peoples. Focusing on the anthropologists, sociologists, biologists, physicians, and other experts who collaborated across borders from the Mexican Revolution through World War II, Rosemblatt traces how intellectuals on both sides of the Rio Grande forged shared networks in which they discussed indigenous peoples and other ethnic minorities. In doing so, Rosemblatt argues, they refashioned race as a scientific category and consolidated their influence within their respective national policy circles. Postrevolutionary Mexican experts aimed to transform their country into a modern secular state with a dynamic economy, and central to this endeavor was learning how to “manage” racial difference and social welfare. The same concern animated U.S. New Deal policies toward Native Americans. The scientists’ border-crossing conceptions of modernity, race, evolution, and pluralism were not simple one-way impositions or appropriations, and they had significant effects. In the United States, the resulting approaches to the management of Native American affairs later shaped policies toward immigrants and black Americans, while in Mexico, officials rejected policy prescriptions they associated with U.S. intellectual imperialism and racial segregation.

scholarly journals Pequot Warriors Combating Paper Genocide: How the Eastern Pequot Tribal Nation Uses Education to Resist Cultural Erasure

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Lan-Húóng Nguyễn ◽  
Eastern Pequot Tribal Nation
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Native American ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Indigenous Education ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Government ◽  
Field School ◽  
European Colonization ◽  
The Right ◽  
Eastern Pequot

This paper analyzes the southeastern Connecticut Eastern Pequot Tribal Nation’s battle with cultural erasure and resistance through education. Indigenous education programs are gradual yet the most effective method of resisting Western cultural erasure from the United States government, because they peacefully invite both Natives and non-Natives to learn about Native American history outside of European colonizer textbooks. The Tribe battles the erasure that can result from external parties’ ability to grant state or federal titles recognizing tribal authority (known as recognition titles) to determine who receives the powerful stamp of Indigeneity and the right to self- govern. My case study focuses on the Eastern Pequots Archaeology Field School project in collaboration with University of Massachusetts, Boston. I evaluate how the Eastern Pequots use a collaborative archaeology education program with their Tribal members and non-Native individuals to resist erasure by decolonizing Western pedagogy. The Field School has gathered over 99,000 artifacts over 15 seasons that dismantle common misconceptions of how Native Americans lived during the beginning of the United States’ history and redefine modern beliefs about how Natives survived European colonization. The Field School contributes to expanding brief descriptions of Native history into a more complicated and dynamic story that elaborates on Native struggle, survival and resistance.

“I Hope to Hell Nothing Goes Back to The Way It Was Before”: COVID-19, Marginalization, and Native Nations

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Raymond Foxworth ◽  
Laura E. Evans ◽  
Gabriel R. Sanchez ◽  
Cheryl Ellenwood ◽  
Carmela M. Roybal
Keyword(s):  
Native American ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Original Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
Native Languages ◽  
Native Communities ◽  
Tribal Health ◽  
Tribal Lands ◽  
Health Regulations

We draw on new and original data to examine both partisan and systemic inequities that have fueled the spread of COVID-19 in Native America. We show how continued political marginalization of Native Americans has compounded longstanding inequalities and endangered the lives of Native peoples. Native nations have experienced disproportionate effects from prior health epidemics and pandemics, and in 2020, Native communities have seen greater rates of infection, hospitalization, and death from COVID-19. We find that Native nations have more COVID-19 cases if they are located in states with a higher ratio of Trump supporters and reside in states with Republican governors. Where there is longstanding marginalization, measured by lack of clean water on tribal lands and health information in Native languages, we find more COVID-19 cases. Federal law enables non-members to flout tribal health regulations while on tribal lands, and correspondingly, we find that COVID-19 cases rise when non-members travel onto tribal lands. Our findings engage the literatures on Native American politics, health policy within U.S. federalism, and structural health inequalities, and should be of interest to both scholars and practitioners interested in understanding COVID-19 outcomes across Tribes in the United States.

scholarly journals Who are "the people" in the German Constitution? A critique of , and contribution to , the debate about the right of foreigners to vote in multilevel democracies

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Bäumler
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Federal States ◽  
The People ◽  
German Constitution ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Multiple Levels ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

ABSTRACT Democracy means power to the people, but it is not always clear who belongs to "the people". The question has become pertinent in the age of migration where large groups of foreigners permanently reside outside their countries of nationality. The economic, cultural, and political integration of these foreigners is one of the pressing problems faced by democratic States in both the developed and developing worlds. One question is : whether resident non-citizens should be granted the right to vote. The answer to this question depends on who belongs to "the people". In federal and quasi-federal States with multiple levels of government the further question arises : whether "the people" is a homogenous concept that applies uniformly across all levels of government. This article contributes to the debate about the right of foreigners to vote in democratic States with multiple levels of government, such as, South Africa and Kenya. It does so by discussing the German response to the problems mentioned above. The dominant view of the German Federal Constitutional Court since the 1990s has been that "the people" only includes "German citizens" , and that attempts by lower levels of government to extend the right to vote to foreigners from Africa and elsewhere are unconstitutional. In this article I explore and critique this conventional view. I then present a positive case for the extension of voting rights to resident non-citizens under the German Constitution. Many of the arguments would apply with equal force to the debate about the right to vote of foreigners in African multi-level democracies, such as, South Africa and Kenya. Keywords: Denizenship, Citizenship, Voting rights, Nationality law, Multi-level government, The people, Foreigners, Residents, Affected persons principle, Democracy.

America in Indochina, 1957–1963: British Perceptions, Hopes, and Strategy

2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Meghan Nealis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
The United States ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Times ◽  
The Right ◽  
Core Issues

AbstractBritish perceptions of the United States in Indochina between 1957 and 1963 were cautious and constructive. This article examines the perceptions of policymakers in Prime Minister Harold MacMillan's government and public opinion as expressed in the Times of London. British policymakers had basic doubts regarding American policy in Indochina, but Britain remained involved in the region after 1954 and agreed with the United States on defining the problem and on the broad methodological approach to the crisis. London wanted to ensure that Washington pursued the “right” policy in Indochina, that Britain utilized its expertise in post-colonial and counter-insurgency, and that the Anglo- American alliance maintained its importance for both countries. The study of these perceptions reveals some concerns which we would anticipate, but also shows that Britain respected the United States as a leader in the region and that it agreed with the United States on core issues.

Indigenous Studies in the United States and Canada

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aubrey Jean Hanson ◽  
Sam McKegney
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Native American ◽  
First Nations ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Ways Of Knowing ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
The United States ◽  
Literary Studies ◽  
Indigenous Voices

Indigenous literary studies, as a field, is as diverse as Indigenous Peoples. Comprising study of texts by Indigenous authors, as well as literary study using Indigenous interpretive methods, Indigenous literary studies is centered on the significance of stories within Indigenous communities. Embodying continuity with traditional oral stories, expanding rapidly with growth in publishing, and traversing a wild range of generic innovation, Indigenous voices ring out powerfully across the literary landscape. Having always had a central place within Indigenous communities, where they are interwoven with the significance of people’s lives, Indigenous stories also gained more attention among non-Indigenous readers in the United States and Canada as the 20th century rolled into the 21st. As relationships between Indigenous Peoples (Native American, First Nations, Métis, and Inuit) and non-Indigenous people continue to be a social, political, and cultural focus in these two nation-states, and as Indigenous Peoples continue to work for self-determination amid colonial systems and structures, literary art plays an important role in representing Indigenous realities and inspiring continuity and change. An educational dimension also exists for Indigenous literatures, in that they offer opportunities for non-Indigenous readerships—and, indeed, for readers from within Indigenous nations—to learn about Indigenous people and perspectives. Texts are crucially tied to contexts; therefore, engaging with Indigenous literatures requires readers to pursue and step into that beauty and complexity. Indigenous literatures are also impressive in their artistry; in conveying the brilliance of Indigenous Peoples; in expressing Indigenous voices and stories; in connecting pasts, presents, and futures; and in imagining better ways to enact relationality with other people and with other-than-human relatives. Indigenous literatures span diverse nations across vast territories and materialize in every genre. While critics new to the field may find it an adjustment to step into the responsibility—for instance, to land, community, and Peoplehood—that these literatures call for, the returns are great, as engaging with Indigenous literatures opens up space for relationship, self-reflexivity, and appreciation for exceptional literary artistry. Indigenous literatures invite readers and critics to center in Indigeneity, to build good relations, to engage beyond the text, and to attend to Indigenous storyways—ways of knowing, being, and doing through story.

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