‘Unwilling’: The One-Word Revolution in Refugee Status, 1940–51

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-446
Author(s):  
ANDREW PAUL JANCO

AbstractThis article details the origins of the human right to international asylum. While previous works locate its beginnings in East–West political conflict in the 1950s, I note the importance of American opposition to the Soviet invasion of Poland and the Baltic countries in 1939–40 and its later consequences for relief work with post-war Displaced Persons from those countries. Given that Eastern European states at the UN claimed to protect people displaced from these non-recognised territories, British and American delegates were forced to create a new refugee definition that allowed DPs to reject state protections and to seek asylum as refugees.

2021 ◽  
Vol 334 ◽  
pp. 02001
Author(s):  
Maria Pashkevich ◽  
Anton Pashkevich

E67 road is a strategically important part of a North Sea – Baltic Core Network Corridor, connecting the three Baltic States with Finland, on the one hand, and with North Eastern Poland, on the other. So-called Via Baltica corridor services more than 30 000 vehicles per day being one of the major arteries for transit and heavy good vehicles transport in the region. Annually around 8 000 road accidents with casualties occur in the three Baltic States with more than 500 fatalities a year. Relatively high road safety risk exposure requires more efficient management of infrastructure safety issues. The three Baltic States use either black spot management (BSM) or network safety management (NSM) or a combination of these two approaches to treat dangerous road sections of the network. In this article three methodologies used in the Baltic countries for dangerous road sections and spots identification were described. Quantitative analysis of dangerous sections/spots identified by the three methodologies was performed for the whole Via Baltica corridor to reveal the differences between the methods used.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Ramojus Kraujelis

The fate of Lithuania and Romania as well as future of the whole Central and Eastern European region was determined in the years of the Second World War. The common origin of their tragic and painful history was the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact – the secret deal between Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, which divided Central and Eastern Europe between two totalitarian regimes. In June 1940 the three Baltic States and a part of Romania were directly occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union. The main objective of this paper is to identify, analyze and compare the attitudes of the United States and Great Britain with respect to the annexation of the Baltic States and the Romania territory and discussed the post-war future reserved to them. During the early years of the Second Word War (1940-1942) few interesting international discussions about possible post-war arrangement plans existed. The analysis of the Western attitude would enable us to give answers to certain questions: What could have been done by the Western states for the benefit of Central and Eastern European region; what have they, in fact, done and what did they avoid doing? The year 1943 witnessed the consolidation of the Western attitude with regard to Soviet Union’s western borders, which resulted in the fundamental fact that Moscow did not intend to retract its interests in the Baltic States, Eastern Poland, North Bucovina and Bessarabia while the West did not intend to fight for these territories. Considering the fact that at the Teheran conference (1943) the Western states agreed upon turning the Baltic states into a Soviet interest sphere, the United States and Britain entered the Yalta conference (1945) with no illusions as to the fate of Central and Eastern Europe in general.


Significance The United States has stationed 600 paratroopers in the Baltic countries and will defend their airspace for the duration of the Zapad-2017 exercise in a bid to reassure NATO allies of Washington’s commitment to their security. Longer term, Washington's European Deterrence Initiative (EDI) is paying for a forward presence of additional US forces in Europe, construction of additional infrastructure and upgrades to existing facilities. Impacts The US military will seek to conclude detailed hosting agreements with Eastern European NATO countries. Poland and South Korea are likely candidates for an expanded permanent US forward presence. Repeated US congressional budget standoffs will worry allies awaiting longer-term infrastructure projects. Stationing US tactical nuclear weapons on NATO’s eastern borders would be more provocative to Moscow than EDI-funded rotations. Replacing incompatible cross-border railway gauges between the Baltic states and Poland will take over a decade.


Author(s):  
Sadhana Naithani

Folklore in Baltic History: Resistance and Resurgence is a study of how the discipline of folklore studies was treated under the totalitarian rule of the USSR in the Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania from 1945 to 1991 and what role the study of folklore has played since independence in 1991. It is a “dramatic history” of what happened to folklorists, folklore archives and folklore departments in the universities under the Soviet rule. On the one hand was a coercive and brutal state and on the other peoples conscious of their national, cultural and linguistic identity as comprised in their folklore. On the one hand, scholars and archivists fell in line and on the other, continued to subvert the coercion by devising ingenious ways of communicating among themselves. When freedom came in 1991 they were ready to create the record of undocumented brutality by documenting life stories and oral history. Sadhana Naithani juxtaposes the work of folklore scholars in the Baltic countries between 1945 and 1991 to the life of the people in the same period to reach an evaluation of the Baltic folkloristics. She concludes that the study of folklore has been an act of resistance and has aided in the resurgence of freedom and identity in the post-Soviet Baltic countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 096977642110235
Author(s):  
Thilo Lang ◽  
Donatas Burneika ◽  
Rivo Noorkõiv ◽  
Bianka Plüschke-Altof ◽  
Gintarė Pociūtė-Sereikienė ◽  
...  

Based on a relational understanding of socio-spatial polarisation as a nested, multidimensional and multi-scalar process, the paper applies a comparative perspective on current trends of socio-spatial development in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Comparing current scholarship and data on demographic and economic processes of centralisation and peripheralisation, we also examine political debates around issues of polarisation in different scholarly national perspectives. Despite variations in national discourses, our comparative perspective conveys strong similarities between the three Baltic countries in terms of socio-economic and demographic concentration in the capital regions to the disadvantage of the rest of the country. The analysis of regional policies further points to tensions between a concern for territorial cohesion on the one hand, and an adherence to the neo-liberal logic of growth and competitiveness against the backdrop of post-socialist transition on the other hand. An overview of case studies in the three countries shows a common reliance on endogenous resources to foster local development, conforming to the neo-liberal logics of regional policy. However, these strategies remain niche models with different levels of success for the respective regions and also among the populations in the region. As a result, we argue for a stronger role of regional policy in the Baltic countries that goes beyond the capital regions by better addressing the negative consequences of uneven development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Czerny

Purpose: The purpose of the article is to compare the theoretical assumptions of Gray’s model based on Hofstede’s cultural dimensions and the actual evolution of accounting sys-tems in Russia and the Baltic countries, as former Soviet republics (which implies decades of functioning within the same legal and economic system, as well as the financial market). Methodology: A critical analysis and comparative analysis of the literature. Results: The initial characteristics of the Russian accounting subculture were characterized by a strong inclination towards conservatism and discretion, preferring statutory control and uniformity. This is also true of the accounting subculture of the Baltic countries − conserva-tive, but with a tendency towards transparency and professionalism, but at the same time appreciating the role of statutory control, with an ambivalent approach to flexibility. An analy-sis of the development of accounting systems in these countries revealed general compli-ance with the theoretical assumptions of Gray's model, and highest in the case of Russia. Originality/value: The article confirms the correctness of the assumptions of Gray's model regarding the evolution of selected countries’ accounting systems. It fills the existing cognitive gap, because former Soviet republics’ accounting systems are rarely studied in a cultural con-text, especially compared to Russia. Typically, a comparison is made between Russia/the former Soviet republic and Western European countries or another Central/Eastern European country.


2009 ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Ulla Lehmijoki ◽  
Elena Rovenskaya

The adverse health consequences of air pollution are of concern currently and there is a fear that these consequences escalate along with economic growth. The effect of economic growth on air pollution deaths is analyzed in Denmark, Finland, and Sweden by applying the Environmental Kuznets Curve approach, according to which economic growth has competing effects on air pollution and related deaths. On the one hand, emissions tend to increase as the scale of economic activity increases, but on the other hand, consumers and firms in richer countries use cleaner goods and adopt cleaner technologies. In Denmark and Finland, the latter effects are stronger, while in Sweden the opposite is true. Therefore, air pollution deaths will decrease in Denmark and Finland but increase in Sweden. Since country's own emissions do not determine air pollution completely, the paper briefly analyzes emissions from the Baltic countries and Russia.


Author(s):  
Øyvind Jæger

The author argues that the security situation of the Baltic countries cannot be separated from the way the Balts themselves speak of security. This is a discourse of danger producing insecurity in pursuit of security. Moreover, this article is a study of identity by demonstrating how Baltic security issues are constituted by discourses of danger revolving around Russian Otherness and European Sameness. In conclusion, the following aspects are addressed: the prospects for the coming together of East and West in the Baltic Sea Region – and NATO’s role in this process – and whether this process will come to ease with a parallel between sovereignty and regionality as organising principles for political space, or whether the one will succumb to the other in the course of a prolonged contest.


1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-234
Author(s):  
John W. Young

When, in May 1945, the Allies finally defeated Nazi Germany and began their military occupation, no-one expected that within five years the country would be divided into two political halves, one tied to the West and the other to the Soviet Union. Germany, despite its defeat in 1918, had remained the most powerful state in central Europe and had been an undoubted great power since 1870. If anything, the fear was that Germany would revive quickly and become a menace to the peace again. That it did become divided between East and West was of course due to the start of the ‘Cold War’ after 1945, with the Americans and British on the one side and the Russians on the other seeing, not Germany, but each other as the post-war ‘enemy’. In 1946 Winston Churchill was already able to speak of an ‘iron curtain’ stretching from Trieste, on the Adriatic, to Stettin, on the Baltic. By 1949 each side had established control of its own bloc—the Russians predominating in the Eastern European ‘People's Republics’, the Americans drawing the West Europeans together with the Marshall Aid Programme and the North Atlantic Treaty.


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