Clinton Visit to Mexico Focuses on Drug Control and Immigration Policies

1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 112-118

President Clinton, ladies and gentlemen from the media from the United States and from Mexico, once again I would like to express the satisfaction of my government and the people of Mexico for the visit of President Clinton. We are truly very pleased that President Clinton is beginning his tour here in Latin America starting in Mexico. We are also especially pleased by the results of the work of the Mexico-U.S. Binational Commission and by the agreement that will be materialized today.

PMLA ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 1700-1702
Author(s):  
Yen Le Espiritu

In her book Ghostly matters: Haunting and the sociological imagination, avery gordon writes that “to study social life one must confront the ghostly aspects of it”—the experiential realities of social and political life that have been systematically hidden or erased. To confront the ghostly aspects of social life is to tell ghost stories: to pay attention to what modern history has rendered ghostly and to write into being the seething presence of the things that appear to be not there (Gordon 7–8). By most accounts, Vietnam was the site of one of the most brutal and destructive of the wars between Western imperial powers and the people of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Yet public discussions and commemorations of the Vietnam War in the United States often skip over this devastating history, thereby ignoring the war's costs borne by the Vietnamese—the lifelong costs that turn the 1975 “fall of Saigon” and the exodus from Vietnam into “the endings that are not over” (Gordon 195). Without creating an opening for a Vietnamese perspective of the war, these public deliberations refuse to remember Vietnam as a historical site, Vietnamese people as genuine subjects, and the Vietnam War as having any kind of integrity of its own (Desser).


1943 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-34
Author(s):  
Charles Loomis

Editor's Note: In the preceding issue Dr. Loomis discussed the United States Department of Agriculture's program for developing strategic and complementary crops in Latin America. As most of the American Republics in the tropic and subtropic zones are now collaborating with the United States Department of Agriculture in the establishment of experiment stations which determine suitable environment for complementary crops, develop planning stocks of these crops and assist the people in growing them, the importance of agricultural extension should be obvious. The field work for the study herewith reported was conducted under an agreement between the Society for Applied Anthropology and the United States Department of Agriculture with the Peruvian Ministry of Agriculture cooperating.


1945 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-103
Author(s):  
J. Orin Oliphant

Slowly during the years just preceding our War of 1812, and rapidly during the decade that followed the Peace of Ghent, the vast reaches of Latin America swam within the ken of the people of the United States. Of this “discovery” of our southern neighbors and of our relations with Latin America before 1830, we have learned much from a volume recently brought out by a distinguished historian of the United States, Professor Arthur P. Whitaker. Professor Whitaker's informing study was intended to be nothing less than a well-rounded history of the impact of Latin America upon the United States to 1830; and such it has proved to be—with one exception. Professor Whitaker completely overlooked the religious phase of the subject he otherwise treated so skillfully. Upon this neglected part of the history of our early relations with Latin America this paper will endeavor to throw some light.


Subject The spread of media regulation initiatives. Significance Unlike in Europe or the United States, there is an increasingly consolidated trend in Latin America towards media regulation: various governments have pushed for the adoption of new anti-trust rules and the strengthening of executive control over the media. However, there are significant differences in approach across the region. Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil all face challenges in this context. Impacts Disputes between the Argentine government and media may become more raucous as October elections approach. Uruguay's good reputation in terms of media freedom will not be undermined by its new broadcasting law. Brazil needs a new regulatory framework, but doubts over the risk of content controls have delayed it before and may do so again.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 197-205
Author(s):  
Peter Pastor

In the wake of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, close to two hundred thousand Hungarians crossed into Austria.  About thirty thousand of these refugees were allowed to enter the United States. Their common experience of living under totalitarian communism and participating or being a witness to the exhilarating thirteen days of the revolution and their sudden, previously unplanned, departure from the homeland gave them a collective identity that was different from the one shared by the people of previous waves of Hungarian influx to the United States. The high educational level of the refugees attained before and after their arrival made their absorption into the mainstream relatively easy. The integration process was facilitated by the shaping of a positive image of the 1956 refugees by the US government and the media.  The reestablishment of the communist system in post-1956 Hungary contributed to the perception that, for the refugees in the United States, there was no hope for return to the homeland.  This assumption strengthened the attitudes of those who wished to embrace the American melting pot model.  Many of the 1956-ers in the United Sates, however, were also comfortable with the notion of ethnic pride and believed in the shaping of a dual national identity.


2020 ◽  
pp. 004711782094443
Author(s):  
Leslie E Wehner ◽  
Cameron G Thies

The term populism has recently gained visibility in the media and policy world to describe the foreign policy principles, rhetoric and strategies of political actors in the United States and some European states. Yet, populism is nothing new in Latin America where it has enjoyed a long tradition among leaders of various countries. Populism has thus far largely been treated as a national phenomenon with few international manifestations. Thus, this article adopts the concept of populism and its core components such as anti-elitism, the people, and the general will within a role theory framework to trace the foreign policy roles that populist governments play as a first step to improving our knowledge on the nexus of populism and foreign policy. We examine this framework in the context of the foreign policy of Carlos Menem of Argentina and Hugo Chávez of Venezuela.


1956 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-298
Author(s):  
Thomas Patrick Melady

The people of the United States are very much interested in Latin America because of the deep roots which bind this continent to the Western World. The Latin American continent is one of the largest Christian areas of the world. The events of the past several decades have significantly increased the importance of Latin America to the United States and the Western World. In the unfortunate event of another war, the South American continent may very well become the refuge of Western civilization.


2021 ◽  
pp. 184-220
Author(s):  
Jim Freeman

This chapter details how the expanded criminalization trap terrorized immigrant communities in the United States, with the threat of not only criminal justice consequences but immigration consequences as well. It investigates a small group of Corporate America and Wall Street executives who have been instrumental in creating and preserving the immigration policies that have forced millions of people to live “in the shadows” as far less than equal members of the society. While many immigration issues contribute to racial injustice, the chapter focuses on whether the people, as a country, are going to continue allowing undocumented residents of the United States to be ruthlessly exploited and treated as a virtually permanent underclass. To address that issue, and demonstrate how the ultra-wealthy profit off immigrants' pain, the chapter seeks to understand how the immigration policies work in practice. Ultimately, it looks at the US policy makers' lack of genuine interest in discouraging undocumented migration into the United States and how this is intimately related to the fact that most US corporations are more than happy to benefit from an expanded and more easily exploitable labor market.


2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 70-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Gallagher

Public opinion in the United States and elsewhere celebrated the liberation of Afghan women following the defeat of the Taliban government. The United States promised to stay in Afghanistan and foster security, economic development, and human rights for all, especially women. After years of funding various anti- Soviet Mujahidin warlords, the United States had agreed to help reconstruct the country once before in 1992, when the Soviet-backed government fell, but had lost interest when the warlords began to fight among themselves. This time, however, it was going to be different. To date, however, conditions have not improved for most Afghan women and reconstruction has barely begun. How did this happen? This article explores media presentations of Afghan women and then compares them with recent reports from human rights organizations and other eyewitness accounts. It argues that the media depictions were built on earlier conceptions of Muslim societies and allowed us to adopt a romantic view that disguised or covered up the more complex historical context of Afghan history and American involvement in it. We allowed ourselves to believe that Afghans were exotic characters who were modernizing or progressing toward a western way of life, despite the temporary setback imposed by the Taliban government. In Afghanistan, however, there was a new trope: the feminist Afghan woman activist. Images of prominent Afghan women sans burqa were much favored by the mass media and American policymakers. The result, however, was not a new focus on funding feminist political organizations or making women’s rights a foreign policy priority; rather, it was an unwillingness to fulfill obligations incurred during decades of American-funded mujahidin warfare, to face the existence of deteriorating conditions for women, resumed opium cultivation, and a resurgent Taliban, or to commit to a multilateral approach that would bring in the funds and expertise needed to sustain a long-term process of reconstruction.


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