Arguments used by trade associations during the early development of a new front-of-pack nutrition labelling system in Brazil

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Melissa Mialon ◽  
Neha Khandpur ◽  
Mais Amaral Laís ◽  
Ana Paula Bortoletto Martins

Abstract Objective: To analyse the arguments used by the food industry during the early development of the new nutrition front-of-pack labelling (FOPL) in Brazil. Design: A thematic qualitative analysis was performed using an inductive approach. All data were collected and analysed between December 2018 and April 2019. Data included documents published by the Brazilian government, including industry’s contributions to a technical public consultation, as well as industry material and newspaper articles. Setting: Brazil. Participants: Seven trade associations and one industry group. Results: During the early stages of the FOPL policy development, food industry actors presented themselves as legitimate actors, by highlighting their economic contribution to the country, their role in safeguarding consumers’ right to choose and their range of solutions in addressing the non-communicable disease epidemic. They also questioned the policy process by criticising the role of the Brazilian Health Regulatory Agency and the science that informed the policy. Finally, food industry actors highlighted the supposedly lack of coherence between national, regional and international policies, as well as other socio-economic risks. A small set of evidence published in non-academic, non-peer-reviewed reports was used by industry actors to support these arguments. Conclusions: Collectively, these arguments reinforced the position of the food industry as a necessary part of the discussion on FOPL and shifted the blame away from unhealthy products to individual behaviours. It is crucial that public health initiatives, such as the introduction of a new FOPL, are no co-opted and negatively influenced by economic actors who may try to delay the policy process.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Mialon ◽  
Diego Alejandro Gaitan Charry ◽  
Gustavo Cediel ◽  
Eric Crosbie ◽  
Fernanda Baeza Scagliusi ◽  
...  

Abstract Objective: To identify and monitor food industry use of political practices during the adoption of nutrition warning labels (WL) in Colombia. Design: Document analysis of publicly available information triangulated with interviews. Setting: Colombia. Participants: Eighteen key informants from the government (n 2), academia (n 1), civil society (n 12), the media (n 2) and a former food industry employee (n 1). Results: In Colombia, the food industry used experts and groups funded by large transnationals to promote its preferred front-of-pack nutrition labelling (FOPL) and discredit the proposed warning models. The industry criticised the proposed WL, discussing the negative impacts they would have on trade, the excessive costs required to implement them and the fact that consumers were responsible for making the right choices about what to eat. Food industry actors also interacted with the government and former members of large trade associations now in decision-making positions in the public sector. The Codex Alimentarius was also a platform through which the industry got access to decision-making and could influence the FOPL policy. Conclusions: In Colombia, the food industry used a broad range of political strategies that could have negatively influenced the FOPL policy process. Despite this influence, the mandatory use of WL was announced in February 2020. There is an urgent need to condemn such political practices as they still could prevent the implementation of other internationally recommended measures to improve population health in the country and abroad, nutrition WL being only of them.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Aline Brandão Mariath ◽  
Ana Paula Bortoletto Martins

Abstract Objective: To assess efforts of the Brazilian legislature to regulate ultra-processed food industry practices related to obesity and diet-related non-communicable diseases during the first 4 years of the United Nations’ Decade of Action on Nutrition. Design: We searched the Chamber of Deputies and Federal Senate internal databases to identify bills under consideration between 2016 and December 2019. Keywords related to the main recommendations of international organisations regarding the regulation of food industry practices were used. Descriptive and content analysis of the bills were carried out. Setting: Brazilian legislature (Chamber of Deputies and Federal Senate). Participants: None. Results: Eighty-four bills were identified. The most frequently addressed topics were: nutrition labelling (38·1 %), marketing of unhealthy products (30·9 %), availability of unhealthy products (26·2 %) and critical nutrients content (14·3 %). Only 9·5 % of bills have proposed taxation on unhealthy products. No bill was passed during that period; 2·4 % were rejected and 10·7 % archived. Among the bills still under consideration, 52·4 % have not been passed in any Committee. Conclusions: Although many bills have been introduced, no regulation of ultra-processed food industry practices has been enacted by the Brazilian legislature by 2020. It is likely that no positive impact on population nutrition in Brazil will be achieved by the end of the United Nation’s Decade of Action on Nutrition, in 2025 – especially regarding those goals set by the Brazilian government which were supposed to have been achieved by 2019.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 775-775
Author(s):  
Melissa Mialon ◽  
Neha Khandpur ◽  
Laís Amaral Mais ◽  
Ana Paula Bortoletto Martins

Author(s):  
Katherine Cullerton ◽  
Jean Adams ◽  
Martin White

The issue of public health and policy communities engaging with food sector companies has long caused tension and debate. Ralston and colleagues’ article ‘Towards Preventing and Managing Conflict of Interest in Nutrition Policy? An Analysis of Submissions to a Consultation on a Draft WHO Tool’ further examines this issue. They found widespread food industry opposition, not just to the details of the World Health Organization (WHO) tool, but to the very idea of it. In this commentary we reflect on this finding and the arguments for and against interacting with the food industry during different stages of the policy process. While involving the food industry in certain aspects of the policy process without favouring their business goals may seem like an intractable problem, we believe there are opportunities for progress that do not compromise our values as public health professionals. We suggest three key steps to making progress.


Author(s):  
Bronwyn Ashton ◽  
Cassandra Star ◽  
Mark Lawrence ◽  
John Coveney

Summary This research aimed to understand how the policy was represented as a ‘problem’ in food regulatory decision-making in Australia, and the implications for public health nutrition engagement with policy development processes. Bacchi’s ‘what’s the problem represented to be?’ discourse analysis method was applied to a case study of voluntary food fortification policy (VFP) developed by the then Australia and New Zealand Food Regulation Ministerial Council (ANZFRMC) between 2002 and 2012. As a consultative process is a legislated aspect of food regulatory policy development in Australia, written stakeholder submissions contributed most of the key documents ascertained as relevant to the case. Four major categories of stakeholder were identified in the data; citizen, public health, government and industry. Predictably, citizen, government and public health stakeholders primarily represented voluntary food fortification (VF) as a problem of public health, while industry stakeholders represented it as a problem of commercial benefit. This reflected expected differences regarding decision-making control and power over regulatory activity. However, at both the outset and conclusion of the policy process, the ANZFRMC represented the problem of VF as commercial benefit, suggesting that in this case, a period of ‘formal’ stakeholder consultation did not alter the outcome. This research indicates that in VFP, the policy debate was fought and won at the initial framing of the problem in the earliest stages of the policy process. Consequently, if public health nutritionists leave their participation in the process until formal consultation stages, the opportunity to influence policy may already be lost.


Nutrients ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 457
Author(s):  
SeeHoe Ng ◽  
Bridget Kelly ◽  
Heather Yeatman ◽  
Boyd Swinburn ◽  
Tilakavati Karupaiah

Mandatory nutrition labelling, introduced in Malaysia in 2003, received a “medium implementation” rating from public health experts when previously benchmarked against international best practices by our group. The rating prompted this qualitative case study to explore barriers and facilitators during the policy process. Methods incorporated semi-structured interviews supplemented with cited documents and historical mapping of local and international directions up to 2017. Case participants held senior positions in the Federal government (n = 6), food industry (n = 3) and civil society representations (n = 3). Historical mapping revealed that international directions stimulated policy processes in Malaysia but policy inertia caused implementation gaps. Barriers hindering policy processes included lack of resources, governance complexity, lack of monitoring, technical challenges, policy characteristics linked to costing, lack of sustained efforts in policy advocacy, implementer characteristics and/or industry resistance, including corporate political activities (e.g., lobbying, policy substitution). Facilitators to the policy processes were resource maximization, leadership, stakeholder partnerships or support, policy windows and industry engagement or support. Progressing policy implementation required stronger leadership, resources, inter-ministerial coordination, advocacy partnerships and an accountability monitoring system. This study provides insights for national and global policy entrepreneurs when formulating strategies towards fostering healthy food environments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
A Gallagher ◽  
K A Evans-Reeves ◽  
A B Gilmore ◽  
A Joshi

Abstract Background The Illicit Trade Protocol (ITP) requires all Parties to establish a tobacco track and trace (T&T) system. In 2016, the European Commission held a public consultation on T&T implementation in which interested parties were asked to respond online to 22 multiple-choice questions and were given additional opportunities to leave comments if desired. In May 2019, the EU's T&T system became operational. This paper explores tobacco industry influence over and policy positions within the consultation process. Methods The Illicit Trade Protocol (ITP) requires all Parties to establish a tobacco track and trace (T&T) system. In 2016, the European Commission held a public consultation on T&T implementation in which interested parties were asked to respond online to 22 multiple-choice questions and were given additional opportunities to leave comments if desired. In May 2019, the EU's T&T system became operational. This paper explores tobacco industry influence over and policy positions within the consultation process. Results Of the 197 consultation responses analysed, 131 (66.4%) had financial links to the tobacco industry. 89 respondents were trade associations, 74 of which were financially linked (33 had TTC members). 29 (22.1%) of the financially-linked respondents were not transparent about their links. There was a clear divide in the policy preferences of respondents with and without a financial link. Collectively, respondents with a financial link supported an industry-operated solution. Conclusions There was an extensive lobbying effort by the tobacco industry over the EU's T&T system, with TTCs' interests being represented repeatedly through multiple trade associations. The transparency requirements regarding consultation respondents' affiliations with relevant stakeholders (such as tobacco manufacturers) should be improved for future tobacco-related consultations. Key messages There was an extensive lobbying effort on the part of the tobacco industry Several respondents with financial links to the tobacco industry did not disclose these. Collectively, respondents with a financial link to the tobacco industry supported an industry-operated solution which would not have met the requirements of the ITP.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Comiskey

Abstract Background Policy development by partnership is difficult, however, ‘Reducing Harm, Supporting Recovery- A health led response to drug and alcohol use in Ireland 2017-2025’ hailed a new era. This policy was based on an agreed philosophy and core values across a 21-member partnership and has stated a common commitment to a health-led response. Methods To drive strategy development, a cross-discipline committee with an independent Chair was created by the Minister. Members came from statutory, voluntary, community, research and service-user organisations. A consensus-based, partnership approach was taken to developing the policy and the action plan. Over 18 months of debate, a public consultation, focus groups, evidence reviews and an external expert review were conducted. Evidence was reviewed by the committee and following a very robust debate, a set of priority actions and responsible organisations were established. Results Nineteen meetings were held. Epidemiological indicators illustrated that cannabis use, young people, chronic opiate use, mortality and geography were a priority. Almost 3000 individuals/organisations responded to the public consultation and themes arising were, supply-reduction, prevention, treatment, rehabilitation and research. The evidence review found that evidence was weak or lacking. The focus groups addressed priorities in supply, education, prevention, continuum of care, evidence and best practice. Finally, the expert review examined structures. Significant contentious debate arose around the initial terms of reference and the authority of a member to agree to an action on behalf of a ministry. While not all members were fully satisfied with the strategy, all welcomed the commitment to the health-led approach. An implementation committee was established, a tender for the first medically supervised injecting facility was issued and a sub-committee to explore decriminalisation was formed. Conclusion A key recommendation from the process was to ensure that all voices had an equal opportunity to be heard and to ensure that priority actions identified from the wider sources of evidence were not lost during the extended process. The breath of the partnership aided this. While we have succeeded in developing a sound strategy, success will depend on continuing support from the partnership and appropriate resourcing from the ministries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kath Murray ◽  
Lucy Hunter Blackburn

Within the last two years, respective proposals by the Scottish and UK Governments to reform the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA) to allow people to change their legal sex based only on making a legally-registered self-declaration have sparked an intense debate on how sex and gender identity should be defined in law and policy. This paper examines how gender self-identification had in fact become a feature of Scottish policy-making and practice, long before public consultation on GRA reform began. The analysis is structured as two case-studies that examine firstly, policy development on the census in relation to the ‘sex’ question, and second, Scottish Prison Service policy on transgender prisoners. The analysis shows that the unregulated roll-out of gender self-identification in Scotland has taken place with weak or non-existent scrutiny and a lack of due process, and that this relates to a process of policy capture, whereby decision-making on sex and gender identity issues has been directed towards the interests of a specific interest group, without due regard for other affected groups or the wider population. The paper raises questions about the adequacy of institutional safeguards against well-organised and highly purposeful lobbying, particularly where any groups detrimentally affected do not have effective representation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Tieberghien ◽  
Mark Monaghan

Debates about public scholarship have gathered momentum in several fields including sociology and criminology. There is much debate over the nature of public scholarship and the forms it can take. In criminology one of the most influential analyses of public scholarship has been developed by Loader and Sparks. For these two thinkers part of the task of scholarship is to contribute to better ‘politics’. In their hands, public criminology is close to another long-running analytical trend – research utilization. The two literatures have for the most part remained separate. This paper puts Loader and Sparks’ framework of public scholarship to the empirical test to see if and how it contributes to understanding the role and nature of evidence use in highly sensitive policy areas. We do this through an analysis of recent changes in Belgian drug policy. We conclude that the framework of Loader and Sparks, although useful in illuminating how publicly engaged scholars can influence and mobilize more open and better-informed public and political debate, is hamstrung by its concentration on the action of individuals in isolation from the complex power structures that underpin the policy process. Synthesizing lessons drawn from the research utilization literature with the work of public criminology provides a potential way forward in understanding the role of evidence in policy and also producing ‘better’ politics in this context.


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