Scale Matters: Addressing the Limited Robustness of Findings on Negative Advertising

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 521-541
Author(s):  
ELIYAHU V. SAPIR ◽  
JONATHAN SULLIVAN ◽  
TIM VEEN

AbstractNegative campaign advertising is a major component of the electoral landscape, and has received much attention in the literature. In many studies, political scientists have tried to explain why some campaign ads contain more negative messages than others and to identify the determinants of this form of campaign behavior. In recent years, a number of studies have acknowledged the differences between alternative measures of negativity, but, in most cases, it is assumed that since these measures are highly correlated, they are unidimensional and essentially interchangeable. In this article, we argue that much of the debate in the literature over negative campaigning is a result of inadequate operationalizations of negativity. Although debates over negativity have often been framed in conceptual terms, there is a methodological explanation for why they persist We begin our analysis by constructing reliable scales of negativity, and model them with salient predictors reported in the literature as significantly associated with campaign attacks. Our findings show that scaling does matter, and while some of the explanatory variables are robust predictors of negativity, most of them are not.

Author(s):  
Kim Fridkin ◽  
Patrick Kenney

This book develops and tests the “tolerance and tactics theory of negativity.” The theory argues that citizens differ in their tolerance of negative campaigning. Also, candidates vary in the tactics used to attack their opponents, with negative messages varying in their relevance to voters and in the civility of their tone. The interplay between citizens’ tolerance of negativity and candidates’ negative messages helps clarify when negative campaigning will influence citizens’ evaluations of candidates and their likelihood of voting. A diverse set of data sources was collected from U.S. Senate elections (e.g., survey data, experiments, content analysis, focus groups) across several years to test the theory. The tolerance and tactics theory of negativity receives strong empirical validation. First, people differ systematically in their tolerance for negativity, and their tolerance changes over the course of the campaign. Second, people’s levels of tolerance consistently and powerfully influence how they assess negative messages. Third, the relevance and civility of negative messages consistently influence citizens’ assessments of candidates competing for office. That is, negative messages focusing on relevant topics and utilizing an uncivil tone produce significant changes in people’s impressions of the candidates. Furthermore, people’s tolerance of negativity influences their susceptibility to negative campaigning. Specifically, relevant and uncivil messages are most influential for people who are least tolerant of negative campaigning. The relevance and civility of campaign messages also alter people’s likelihood of voting, and the impact of negative messages on turnout is more consequential for people with less tolerance of negativity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110209
Author(s):  
Jiawei Liu ◽  
Rosemary J. Avery ◽  
Erika F. Fowler ◽  
Laura Baum ◽  
Sarah E. Gollust ◽  
...  

Previous research has documented that political information in the mass media can shape attitudes and behaviors beyond voter choice and election turnout. The current study extends this body of work to examine associations between televised political campaign advertising (one of the most common forms of political communication people encounter) and worry about crime and violence in the context of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. We merge two large datasets—Kantar/CMAG data on televised campaign advertisement airings ( n = 3,767,477) and Simmons National Consumer Survey (NCS) data on television viewing patterns and public attitudes ( n = 26,703 respondents in the United States)—to test associations between estimated exposure to campaign ads about crime and crime worry, controlling for demographics, local crime rates, and political factors. Results from multivariate models show that estimated cumulative exposure to campaign ads about crime is associated with higher levels of crime worry. Exposure to campaign ads about crime increased crime worry among Republicans, but not Democrats.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110420
Author(s):  
Kevin K. Banda

Prior research suggests that campaigns become more negative when the election environment becomes more competitive. Much of this research suffers from data and design limitations. I replicate and extend prior analyses using a much larger number of cases. Using advertising data drawn from 374 U.S. Senate and gubernatorial campaigns contested from 2000 through 2018, I find evidence that electoral competition encourages candidates to engage in more negative advertising campaigns and that incumbency status conditions these effects. Incumbents of both parties use more negative messaging strategies as competition increases. The effects of competition among challengers and open seat candidates is mixed. These results add to what we know about campaign advertising behavior and suggest that researchers should take care to avoid ignoring important contextual factors that underlie candidates’ strategic choices.


1999 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 891-899 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin P. Wattenberg ◽  
Craig Leonard Brians

As political campaigns become increasingly adversarial, scholars are giving some much-needed attention to the effect of negative advertising on turnout. In a widely recognized Review article and subsequent book, Ansolabehere and his colleagues (1994, 1995) contend that attack advertising drives potential voters away from the polls. We dispute the generalizability of this claim outside the experimental setting. Using NES survey data as well as aggregate sources, we subject their research to rigorous real-world testing. The survey data directly contradict their findings, yielding no evidence of a turnout disadvantage for those who recollected negative presidential campaign advertising. In attempting to replicate Ansolabehere et al.'s earlier aggregate results we uncover quite substantial discrepancies and inconsistencies in their data set. We conclude that their aggregate study is deeply flawed and that Ansolabehere et al. exaggerated the demobilization dangers posed by attack advertising, at least in voters' own context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-77
Author(s):  
Ira J. Roseman ◽  
Kyle Mattes ◽  
David P. Redlawsk ◽  
Steven Katz

Negativity is common in political rhetoric and advertising, but its effects are variable. One important moderator may be the specific emotions communicated by the messages and potentially in recipients. Contempt may be the emotion often conveyed by uncivil ads, which have attracted considerable interest, particularly in light of increased partisan polarization. Using data from web-based surveys in New Jersey and Iowa, we examine the role contempt played in two U.S. Senate races in 2014. We find respondents perceived contempt—more than anxiety or anger—in four televised negative campaign ads and in candidates’ statements about opponents. Moreover, respondents’ feelings of contempt toward candidates, though less intense than feelings of anger, were of equal or greater significance than anger or anxiety in predicting voting intentions regarding three of the four Senate candidates across the two elections.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 628-640
Author(s):  
Hassan Gholipour Fereidouni ◽  
Reza Tajaddini

Purpose This paper aims to investigate whether cultural dimension of power distance, which is the extent that inequality is expected and accepted in societies, can explain underlying differences in landlord-tenant practices (LTP) across countries. Design/methodology/approach The authors use a sample covering countries from different regions. They apply the ordered probit regressions to estimate the relationships between the explanatory variables and LTP. Findings The results show that hierarchical societies demonstrate more pro-landlord practices. This finding is robust to alternative measures of power distance and different sample sizes. In addition, the authors find that countries with larger rental sectors and larger numbers of landlords with mortgages demonstrate more pro-tenant practices. The results also show that differences in LTP across countries are not significantly influenced by legal origin. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, very limited studies have investigated the determinants of LTP across countries. In addition, while cultural values such as power distance have been used to explain the economic, social and financial variables, less, if any, number of studies have used them to explain the variation of real estate market variables such as LTP.


2005 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. ZHAO ◽  
D. NETTLETON ◽  
M. SOLLER ◽  
J. C. M. DEKKERS

Effectiveness of marker-assisted selection (MAS) and quantitative trait loci (QTL) mapping using population-wide linkage disequilibrium (LD) between markers and QTL depends on the extent of LD and how it declines with distance in a population. Because marker–QTL LD cannot be observed directly, the objective of this study was to evaluate alternative measures of observable LD between multi-allelic markers as predictors of usable LD of multi-allelic markers with presumed biallelic QTL. Observable LD between marker pairs was evaluated using eight existing measures and one new measure. These consisted of two pooled and standardized measures of LD between pairs of alleles at two markers based on Lewontin's LD measure, two pooled measures of squared correlations between alleles, one standardized measure using Hardy–Weinberg heterozygosities, and four measures based on the chi-square statistic for testing for association between alleles at two loci. In simulated populations with a range of LD generated by drift and a range of marker polymorphism, marker–marker LD measured by a standardized chi-square statistic (denoted χ2′) was found to be the best predictor of useable marker–QTL LD for a group of multi-allelic markers. Estimates of the level and decline of marker–marker LD with distance obtained from χ2′ were linearly and highly correlated with usable LD of those markers with QTL across population structures and marker polymorphism. Corresponding relationships were poorer for the other marker–marker LD measures. Therefore, when LD is generated by drift, χ2′ is recommended to quantify the amount and extent of usable LD in a population for QTL mapping and MAS based on multi-allelic markers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1035-1057
Author(s):  
Muhammad Nauman Akram ◽  
◽  
Muhammad Amin ◽  
Ahmed Elhassanein ◽  
Muhammad Aman Ullah ◽  
...  

<abstract> <p>The beta regression model has become a popular tool for assessing the relationships among chemical characteristics. In the BRM, when the explanatory variables are highly correlated, then the maximum likelihood estimator (MLE) does not provide reliable results. So, in this study, we propose a new modified beta ridge-type (MBRT) estimator for the BRM to reduce the effect of multicollinearity and improve the estimation. Initially, we show analytically that the new estimator outperforms the MLE as well as the other two well-known biased estimators i.e., beta ridge regression estimator (BRRE) and beta Liu estimator (BLE) using the matrix mean squared error (MMSE) and mean squared error (MSE) criteria. The performance of the MBRT estimator is assessed using a simulation study and an empirical application. Findings demonstrate that our proposed MBRT estimator outperforms the MLE, BRRE and BLE in fitting the BRM with correlated explanatory variables.</p> </abstract>


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray-Bing Chen ◽  
Yi-Chi Chen ◽  
Chi-Hsiang Chu ◽  
Kuo-Jung Lee

AbstractWe consider the determinants of the 2008 crisis and address two main forms of model uncertainty: the uncertainty in selecting theoretical groups and the uncertainty in selecting explanatory variables. We introduce Bayesian hierarchical formulation that allows for the joint treatment of group and variable selection using the Group-wise Gibbs sampler. Our group variable selection shows that pre-crisis financial policies and trade linkages play a particularly important role in explaining the severity of the crisis, alongside institutions, and within the selected groups we identify a broader set of variables correlated with the crisis, which in turn leads to an improvement in prediction performance. In the robustness analysis we also find that our results are not qualitatively changed on alternative measures of crisis intensity, different groupings of variables, or prior assumptions. We further argue that the established results in the literature may well be attributed to different prior choices used in the analysis.


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