BEAUTY OR BEAST, OR MONSTROUS REGIMENTS? ROBERTSON AND BURKE ON WOMEN AND THE PUBLIC SCENE

2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
LÁSZLÓ KONTLER

The Enlightenment can usefully be conceived as a confrontation with eroding Christian and classical republican ethics. It was permeated with assumptions about women and the gendered dichotomy between public and private spheres. While William Robertson and Edmund Burke, along with many of their contemporaries, remained committed to Christian- and republican-based conceptions of virtue, they were working within a new Enlightenment paradigm. Its political agenda has to be understood by way of its configurations of beauty, taste, and morality as these relate to the imperatives and needs of modern societies of a high level of sophistication and differentiation. An examination of two themes in the work of Robertson and Burke—the nature of women in “savage” and “civilized” societies, and “beauty in distress”—reveals how long-held convictions about the character of women, especially with regard to their capacity and right to appear in the public domain, were modified and adjusted to the idea of progress, and became central to an enlightened affirmation of modern European civilization. The result had its ironies. On the one hand, a positive public and indeed political role was invented for women that is central to understanding the overall thrust of a political discourse based on politeness, civility, refinement and similar values specifically associated with modern commercial societies. On the other hand, though the complexity of this model of society gave ample scope to informal and spontaneous vehicles of social disciplining, whatever room was left for the more traditional ways of governing polities through the direct exertion of political power remained closed to women: the very features that opened for them the opportunity to play political roles through sociability in the public sphere also circumscribed them.

Author(s):  
Peter Brooks

This introductory chapter provides an overview of some of the problems of identity. There would seem to be both public and private issues of identity. In the public sphere, in talk about crime, health, prostitution, and urbanism, the identities of those who make up the social body become a problem in a new way. In broad outline, this must have to do with the growth of cities, along with the institutionalization and increasing bureaucratization of the modern nation-state. The chapter then turns to the private or inner sense of identity that is at the very center of modern thought and imagination from the dawn of the modern world on—starting with the Renaissance, one might say, though one could push the date back to remarkable innovations from the twelfth century but gaining a new momentum and a new accent in the Enlightenment.


2004 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-178
Author(s):  
HINA NAZAR

Owing to her focus on the gendered norms of propriety, Jane Austen tends to be identi�ed as a novelist of convention rather than of modernity. In this essay, however, I argue for a more �uid reading of Austen's gender politics as well as the modernity of her work, by examining the understanding of judgment that she articulates in her �rst published novel, Sense and Sensibility (1811). I place this novel in the context of an extensive discourse of critical judgment, which �ows from the Enlightenment to such theorists of the public sphere in the twentieth century as Hannah Arendt and Seyla Benhabib. In keeping with this tradition, Austen identi�es judgment to be profoundly intersubjective and, as such, compatible with those social norms that cultivate mutual recognition and dialogue. Unlike political theorists like Arendt, however, who restrict the use of judgment to the public sphere, Austen identi�es the domestic sphere to be a crucial venue for exercising this faculty. In Sense and Sensibility the domestic sphere becomes an important part of "the social," understood by Austen as the venue of intersubjective relations in addition to norms and conventions. Her reinscription, in particular, of the drawing room as a conversational space in which intersubjective agreement can be generated opens up a reading of her work as friendly to a central insight of feminist public-sphere theory-the idea that the dualism of public and private spheres withholds value from participation in public spaces that are not recognizably political spaces but that bear on the achievement of progressive political goals.


Author(s):  
Tedi Kholiludin

AbstrakAsumsi sekularisme bahwa peran agama akan meredup pasca Pencerahan, nyata tidak terbukti. Dugaan akan tergerusnya agama di ruang publik, tak terwujud. Meski ada sekularisasi di masyarakat, tapi proses itu tidak berimbas pada kesadaran individu. Agama masih menjadi modal sosial dan memberikan pengaruh terhadap pergumulan masyarakat modern. Dalam bentuknya yang paling militan hingga yang halus kita merasakan bagaimana pengaruh dari Konfusianisme dan Taoisme di Cina dan Taiwan, Kristen Kharismatik serta Pentakostalisme di Afrika Selatan dan India, Kristen Ortodoks di Rusia, Islam di Indonesia serta spirit kapitalisme di Eropa Timur. Agama disini, menjadi sebentuk the hidden form of capital atau modal yang tersembunyi. Di lain wajah, sentimen agama, juga tak jarang menimbulkan banyak pertikaian. Konflik antar umat beragama semakin banyak kita temukan. Inilah era dimana counter terhadap sekularisasi justru semakin menguat.  Agama selalu menghadirkan wajah ganda yang ambivalen, menjadi perekat dan sumber integrasi di satu sisi, tapi juga menjadi pemisah dan sumber konfilik di sisi lain. Bagaimana masyarakat yang tidak saling mengenal satu dengan lain, berasal dari berbagai belahan dunia bisa terbangun sentimennya karena agama. Juga sebaliknya, bagaimana ikatan-ikatan persaudaraan menjadi pudar karena berbeda agama atau pemahaman keagamaan.Kata kunci: Agama, Integrasi, Konflik dan Rekonsiliasi AbstractThe assumption of secularism that the role of religion will diminish after the Enlightenment is not proven. Allegations of religious erosion in the public sphere are unfulfilled. Although there is secularization in society, but the process does not affect individual consciousness. Religion is still a social capital and gives effect to the struggle of modern society. In its most militant to subtle form we feel the influence of Confucianism and Taoism in China and Taiwan, Christian Charismatics and Pentecostalism in South Africa and India, Orthodox Christianity in Russia, Islam in Indonesia and the spirit of capitalism in Eastern Europe. Here, Religion is being a form of hidden form of capital or hidden capital. On the other face, religious sentiments, also not infrequently cause a lot of disputes. Conflict among religious people more and more we find. This is an era where the counter to secularization is actually getting stronger. Religion always presents an ambivalent double face, a glue and source of integration on the one hand, but also a separator and a source of confidence on the other. How people who do not know each other, coming from different parts of the world can be awakened by religious sentiment. On the contrary, how fraternal bonds fade due to different religions or religious understanding. Keyword: Religion, Integration, Conflict and Reconciliation                


2010 ◽  
Vol 111 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorothea Von Müücke

This essay analyzes programmatic texts by Lessing and Kant in terms of how they influence the public sphere of the Enlightenment. Sharing a programmatic commitment to enlightenment as "the exit from our self-imposed tutelage," Lessing and Kant understood the enlightenment process as one that cannot be taught or imposed by some authority from above, nor can it ever be fully accomplished. For both philosophers, enlightenment calls for specific framing conditions that have to do with the abolishment of censorship, on the one hand, and with the recruitment of an active, critical audience, on the other.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Renae Barker

Abstract The relationship between the state and religion in Australia exists in a state of tension. On the one hand the “non-establishment” clause in section 116 of the Australian Constitution points to the separation of religion and state. On the other hand there is a high level of cooperation between the state and religion in the public sphere, most visible in the funding of religious schools by the federal government. These two visions of the Australian state-religion relationship are in tension. One requiring the removal of religion from the public sphere while the other calls for a plurality of religions to be accommodated in public spaces. This article seeks to resolve this tension by proposing a new way to understand the Australian state-religion relationship as non-establishment pluralism. Non-establishment in the sense that the Australian Constitution prohibits the establishment of any religion—be that a single state church, multiple state religions, or religion generally. Pluralism in that the state via ordinary legislation, public policy, and government action cooperates with religion in numerous areas of state and religious interest in the public sphere.


Author(s):  
Natalia Kostenko

The subject matter of research interest here is the movement of sociological reflection concerning the interplay of public and private realms in social, political and individual life. The focus is on the boundary constructs embodying publicity, which are, first of all, classical models of the space of appearance for free citizens of the polis (H. Arendt) and the public sphere organised by communicative rationality (Ju. Habermas). Alternative patterns are present in modern ideas pertaining to the significance of biological component in public space in the context of biopolitics (M. Foucault), “inclusive exclusion of bare life” (G. Agamben), as well as performativity of corporeal and linguistic experience related to the right to participate in civil acts such as popular assembly (J. Butler), where the established distinctions between the public and the private are levelled, and the interrelationship of these two realms becomes reconfigured. Once the new media have come into play, both the structure and nature of the public sphere becomes modified. What assumes a decisive role is people’s physical interaction with online communication gadgets, which instantly connect information networks along various trajectories. However, the rapid development of information technology produces particular risks related to the control of communications industry, leaving both public and private realms unprotected and deforming them. This also urges us to rethink the issue of congruence of the two ideas such as transparency of societies and security.


Author(s):  
Sam Zimmerman

This research project seeks to establish a print culture context for popular British music during the time of the Napoleonic Wars. More specifically, this project investigates representations of Horatio Nelson, the Battle of the Nile (1798), and the Battle of Trafalgar (1805) to understand representations of heroism and the nature of public and private spheres during the time of the Napoleonic Wars. By studying these representations in popular song, this research better understands the jingoistic tropes of British early 19th century Britain as well as attitudes towards heroism and the Napoleonic Wars. Songs used in this project are: “Nelson’s Tomb,” “The Battle of the Nile,” “The Death of Nelson,” “The Disbanded Soldier” “The Mouth of the Nile,” and “The Orphan Boy’s Tale.” The conflicting perspectives found in these songs provide a greater understanding of British culture during the Napoleonic Wars. Songs which exclusively represent Nelson as the quintessential heroic sailor in the public sphere and Britain’s military acts as divinely sanctioned, choose to ignore Nelson’s relationship in the private sphere, and contrast songs which reject unqualified celebration in the wake of war, and focus on mourning as a result of the war. This disparity reflects the complexity and internal tension of 19th century British society, specifically oppositional attitudes of jingoism and mourning, as well as the celebration of renowned heroes versus the disregard of unknown soldiers and the dead. By considering such historical perspectives on war, we might better understand the voices that speak of war in our own time.


Author(s):  
Verioni Ribeiro Bastos

Diante da estrutura do sistema de ensino brasileiro no qual encontramos a disciplina, Ensino Religioso, constitucionalmente obrigatória no ensino fundamental das escolas públicas até as Ciências das Religiões nas Universidades Federais brasileiras, busco realizar um diálogo com outras trabalhos usando estes como interrogações para questionar o comum tido como natural, ou seja, a presença do religioso na esfera pública. Somado a isto o debate com autores que discutem a realidade francesa e a narração de dois casos extraídos da  observação participante completam a intenção de apresentar um ângulo mais agudo de refletir sobre a realidade brasileira no que concerne a religião, política e educação, como também, como o público e o privado caminham juntos na mentalidade da população do país. A secularização à brasileira anda a passos lentos e o quadro político-social e educacional do Brasil precisa de menos análises do que está posto e questionar por que o que está posto parece normal e se perpetua por gerações e gerações.Palavras-chave: Laicidade: ensino religioso. Política. Brasil. França.AbstractTaking the ideias of some authors we will try to understand the interconnections between religions and public sphere in Brazil and France. In Brazil we get two exemples of the relationship between public sphere and the religion: the presence of Religious Education and the Science Religions in the brazilian federal universities. In other hand we try to understand how in France we can see the relation between the religions and the public sphere thourgh the eyes of some authors who speak about it using two exemples we will show in this text. Completing the intention to present a more acute angle to reflect on the Brazilian reality with regard to religion, politics and education, as well as public and private walk together in the mindset of the country's population. Secularization Brazilian's slow steps and the socio-political framework and Brazil's educational needs less analysis than is post and question why what's post looks normal and perpetuates for generations and generations.Keywords: Secularism: religious education. Politics. Brazil. France.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Scarborough ◽  
Ray Sin ◽  
Barbara Risman

Empirical studies show that though there is more room for improvement, much progress has been made toward gender equality since the second wave of feminism. Evidence also suggests that women’s advancements have been more dramatic in the public sphere of work and politics than in the private sphere of family life. We argue that this lopsided gender progress may be traced to uneven changes in gender attitudes. Using data from more than 27,000 respondents who participated in the General Social Survey from 1977 through 2016, we show that gender attitudes have more than one underlying dimension and that these dimensions have changed at different rates over time. Using latent class analysis, we find that the distribution of respondents’ attitudes toward gender equality has changed over the past 40 years. There has been an increase in the number of egalitarians who support equality in public and private spheres, while the traditionals who historically opposed equality in both domains have been replaced by ambivalents who feel differently about gender equality in the public and private spheres. Meanwhile, successive birth cohorts are becoming more egalitarian, with Generation-Xers and Millennials being the most likely to hold strong egalitarian views. The feminist revolution has succeeded in promoting egalitarian views and decreasing the influence of gender traditionalism, but has yet to convince a substantial minority that gender equality should extend to both public and private spheres of social life


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 446-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Hester ◽  
Allison Moore

In spite of the rhetoric of children’s participation in the public sphere, in their everyday life interactions young children’s rights continue to be denied or given entitlement on the basis of assumptions about the social category to which they belong, and opportunities continue to be missed to make links between the everyday and the societal, political and legal contexts by those wishing to further children’s participation rights. Drawing on the sociology of Norbert Elias, particularly his concept of “habitus” and “drag effect” we will explore the dissonance between the public and private status of young children’s rights and suggest ways that this might be remedied. The paper will conclude by arguing that it is important to work towards young children’s increased participation rights in their everyday lives because adults must acknowledge young children’s moral competence to participate in decisions about their everyday lives in order to develop children’s agency to do so.


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