scholarly journals Pluralism versus Separation: Tension in the Australian Church-State Relationship

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Renae Barker

Abstract The relationship between the state and religion in Australia exists in a state of tension. On the one hand the “non-establishment” clause in section 116 of the Australian Constitution points to the separation of religion and state. On the other hand there is a high level of cooperation between the state and religion in the public sphere, most visible in the funding of religious schools by the federal government. These two visions of the Australian state-religion relationship are in tension. One requiring the removal of religion from the public sphere while the other calls for a plurality of religions to be accommodated in public spaces. This article seeks to resolve this tension by proposing a new way to understand the Australian state-religion relationship as non-establishment pluralism. Non-establishment in the sense that the Australian Constitution prohibits the establishment of any religion—be that a single state church, multiple state religions, or religion generally. Pluralism in that the state via ordinary legislation, public policy, and government action cooperates with religion in numerous areas of state and religious interest in the public sphere.

2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 431-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES BOHMAN

AbstractWhile there is much discussion of the need for democracy in transnational institutions, there is less discussion of the conditions for their democratisation. To address this deficit, a general account of democratisation is necessary. I propose that democratisation is dependent on the joint realisation of two conditions: communicative freedom and communicative power. Democratisation thus requires, first, publics and associations in which communicative freedom is realised on the one hand; and, second, institutions that link such freedom to the exercise of communicative power to decision making on the other. In order for these conditions to be met, civil society must be expanded into the public sphere. The transformation of communicative freedom into communicative power can be promoted only by institutions that recognise the decisional status of publics, which in turn depend on civil society to generate the deliberative benefits of the plurality of perspectives. Communicative power is not merely spontaneously generated through publics, but also through publics expressly formed through democratic institutional design.


Author(s):  
Óscar CORTÉS

Laburpena: Adimen artifiziala da gaur egungo teknologien artean bultzadarik handiena duenetako bat. Azterlan honen xedea da horren erronka batzuen hausnarketa bat eskaintzea Administrazio Publikoan aplikatzeko. Alde batetik, abiadura-palanka gisa duen gaitasunaren ikuspuntutik, sektore publikoa den bezalako ekosistema juridikoan; beste alde batetik, administrazio-sistemetan bere garapena bideragarri egiteko suertatzen diren galderei erantzuteko beharretik. Horretarako, aztertuko da nola aldaketa teknologiko berriek lege-moldaketekin batera etorri diren maila publikoan bideragarritasuna emateko; aurkeztuko dira algoritmoen aukera eta ziurgabetasun batzuk Administrazioaren teknologia eraldatzaile bezala; azkenik, deskribatuko dira aspektu juridiko batzuk beharrezkoak direnak Administrazioan bere ezapen ziurra eta etikoa lortzeko eta aztertuko dira administrazio-prozedura automatizatu posible baten elementurik aipagarrienak. Resumen: La inteligencia artificial es ya hoy una de las tecnologías con mayor potencial. El presente estudio tiene por objeto ofrecer una reflexión sobre algunos de los retos para su aplicación en la Administración pública. Por un lado, desde el punto de vista de su capacidad como palanca de cambio en un ecosistema jurídico como el sector público; por otro, desde la necesidad de abordar algunos de los interrogantes que surgen para hacer viable su desarrollo en los sistemas administrativos. Para ello, se analizará cómo los recientes cambios tecnológicos han venido acompañados de modificaciones legales para dotarles de viabilidad en el ámbito público, se mostrarán algunas de las oportunidades e incertidumbres de los algoritmos como tecnologías transformadoras en la Administración, se describirán algunos de los aspectos jurídicos que es necesario abordar para su segura implantación ética y jurídica en la Administración y se analizarán algunos de los elementos más destacados de un posible procedimiento administrativo automatizado. Abstract: Artificial intelligence is already today one of the technologies with greatest potential. The purpose of this study is to offer a reflection on some of the challenges for its implementation in public administration. On the one hand, from the standpoint of its capacity as a lever of change and transformation in a legal ecosystem such as the public sector; on the other, from the need to address some of the questions that arise to make viable its development in administrative systems. For that purpose, it will be analyzed how recent technological changes have been accompanied by legal modifications to make them viable in the public sphere, some of the opportunities and uncertainties of algorithms as transformative technologies in administration will be shown, some of the legal aspects that need to be addressed for its legal and ethical secure implementation in the Administration will be described, and some of the most outstanding elements of a possible automated administrative procedure will be analyzed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Taha Abdel Aal Taha Mohamed

This study aimed at addressing the relationship between religion and state, by reviewing the evolution of that relationship in the western vision, beginning with the dominance of the Church in the medieval period, and the emergence of the theocratic state, then ideas of secularism, and the conflict between religion and state in the Frame of ideology, Then reviewing a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism and the emergence of religious presence in the public sphere. On the other hand, the study dealt with the relationship between religion and state in the Islamic vision in its Asian Models. Where the study dealt with the model of the "Madina State" during the era of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), which is the Islamic model that spread in the Asian Peninsula, which was the basis of Sunni Islamic thought later. The study also dealt with the "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which forms the basis of Shiite thought in Iran. The study relied on the descriptive approach that deals with the analysis and description of the phenomenon. This approach was used in this study to trace the development of the relationship between religion and state in the western vision and Islamic vision in its Asian models. The study concluded with some results. The most important of these was that: the Western vision to a certain extent passed with integration between religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Theocratic State" in the Medieval Period, where the church dominated all the political and social affairs of the state. The Western vision also to a certain extent passed with separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of "secularism", where modernity was linked to the non-involvement of religion in politics, The Western vision also passed with the emergence of a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism, as reflected in the model of "religious presence in the public sphere. Finally, the Islamic vision with its Asian Models witnessed the difficulty of full integration or separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Madina State" during the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), and its thought which is followed by Sunni Islamic thought. And the Shiite "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which was the origin of a religious mandate for political power, although it differs from the "Theocratic State" model completely.


2020 ◽  
pp. 130-155
Author(s):  
Mónica López Lerma

Chapter six turns to Marcelo Piñeyro’s El Método (2005) to examine a perceived tension in contemporary societies between the depoliticization of the public sphere and the opposite call for its repoliticization. The film productively presents this tension in two ways: first, by inviting viewers to participate in depoliticizing structures of power, and then by inviting them to question their role and responsibility in those structures. On the one hand, the film uses the cinematic split-screen technique to grant viewers a godlike perspective and ability to watch different actions and events synchronically, as if through a surveillance camera. Job candidates are scrutinized from the point of view of a multinational corporation during massive anti-corporate globalization protests in Madrid, which the mass media presents in dismissive terms. On the other hand, the film’s subtle use of sound effectively disrupts the complicity of the viewer in these structures and provides possibilities for political subjectivation. Drawing on the work of Michel Chion and Mdalen Dolar, the chapter shows how the “acousmatic sound” of protest irrupts into the viewer’s given space of the visible and provides avenues for what might be called a “sonic emancipation.”


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredrik Engelstad

AbstractClassical elite theory stressed tensions between elites and democracy, whereas modern studies of elites take democracy as a point of departure – to a large extent under the heading of democratic elitism. This article discusses two strands of elite studies in a democracy perspective, one stressing elite conflict, the other focusing on elite consensus. As points of departure for empirical analysis both strands are valuable, but when linked to democratic theory they are insufficient. It is necessary to view elites in light of constitutional features that regulate their relationship with the state. Moreover, the public sphere must be taken into account as a constitutive element of democracy and as an arena for communication between elite groups and between them and citizenries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
MIKI KANEDA

AbstractFocusing on a multimedia practice labelled ‘intermedia art’, this article shows how experimental musical practices complicate popular characterizations of the idea of politics in 1960s Japan that are polarized by their focus on extraordinary economic growth, on the one hand, and radical protest, on the other. Like their counterparts in art, experimental musicians and artists such as Shiomi Mieko, Kosugi Takehisa, and Yuasa Jōji took an interest in everyday sounds, spaces, and technologies as sites for artistic exploration. However, their musical approaches did not share the overtly political engagement with the scenes of protest playing out in the public sphere that played a central role in the visual arts. Through an investigation of the notion of ambiguity in the acoustics of intermedia, the article seeks to re-examine understandings about the role of sound in shifting perceptions about political participation.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen

The article investigates Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt’s theory of the constituent power. By comparing Schmitt and Arendt’s notions of democracy, the people and the public sphere, the article seeks to establish an alternative to deliberative democracy’s conceptualisation of the relation between democracy and the public sphere. By pointing to the differences between the debating and legitimating public sphere inherent in deliberative democracy on the one hand and the lawgiving and constituting public sphere in the works of Schmitt and Arendt on the other, the article investigates Schmitt’s notion of plebiscitary democracy and Arendt’s idea of a federal republic of councils. These political modes of organizations attempt to overcome the hierarchical relation between representatives and represented and seek to envision the people as able, when gathered together in public, to give laws themselves, and not only play the role as electors or debaters.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Nisar Alungal Chungath

Identity is not a fixed and frozen prison-house for the self, but a liquid continuum, affected and shaped by the ‘outside’ or the world. The self, which is situated and which undergoes revisions and transformations, keeps identity as a frame within which it makes sense of things. On the one hand, there is a ‘history’ within which an identity is rooted and through which meaning-making is made possible, and on the other hand, every person aspires to be a ‘universal’ and recognition-worthy human being. Both inherent identity and inherent universality of the self should be considered in their interactions in the public sphere, which has been traditionally viewed as a space of discrete individualities. The ontological force of this argument aside, the paper demonstrates that reduction of an identity without crediting its aspiration for universality and consideration of universality without crediting the historical underpinnings of identity are both acts of violation. 


2010 ◽  
Vol 111 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorothea Von Müücke

This essay analyzes programmatic texts by Lessing and Kant in terms of how they influence the public sphere of the Enlightenment. Sharing a programmatic commitment to enlightenment as "the exit from our self-imposed tutelage," Lessing and Kant understood the enlightenment process as one that cannot be taught or imposed by some authority from above, nor can it ever be fully accomplished. For both philosophers, enlightenment calls for specific framing conditions that have to do with the abolishment of censorship, on the one hand, and with the recruitment of an active, critical audience, on the other.


Author(s):  
Yolande Jansen

“Religio-secularism” denotes the tendency to understand specific cultural and political conflicts in terms an opposition between religion on the one hand and secularism on the other. Religio-secularism as a cultural-political paradigm tends to obscure the intricacies of political, socioeconomic, cultural-historical, religious, and ideological dimensions of specific situations (and often conflicts) that require complex analysis and evaluation. Religio-secularism, especially when it becomes the primary or exclusive framework for understanding cultural and political conflict, serves as an ideological barrier rather than an illuminating paradigm. Critique of the increasing grip of religio-secularism on political thinking, in contrast to the captivation with “postsecularism,” takes a reflexive attitude toward religio-secularism and its distorted lens through which to view the historical world. Other lenses should be used to survey contemporary events and situations related to religion, and this is particularly so with regard to conflicts over religion, religion in the public sphere, and secularism.


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