Prophet of a Partitioned World: Ferdinand Fried, “Great Spaces,” and the Dialectics of Deglobalization, 1929–1950

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Joshua Derman

Historical scholarship on “great spaces,” a central concept in the political thought of Nazi Germany, has previously focused on legal debates while neglecting important economic contexts. The journalist Ferdinand Fried deserves to be considered one of the major economic theorists of “great spaces” in the Weimar, Nazi, and early postwar eras. Fried argued that the world economy was inexorably passing from globalization through economic nationalism to a reconstituted “world economy of great spaces.” Deglobalization, as he depicted it, was a global experience that produced similar economic and political outcomes around the world. His writings anticipated and inspired Nazi propaganda aimed at legitimizing German hegemony in Europe. His ideas, and their reception, illustrate how dialectical and global visions of history have resonated with conservative intellectuals during crises of the world economy.

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evonne Levy

<P>This study in intellectual history places the art historical concept of the Baroque amidst world events, political thought, and the political views of art historians themselves. Exploring the political biographies and writings on the Baroque (primarily its architecture) of five prominent Germanophone figures, Levy gives a face to art history, showing its concepts arising in the world. From Jacob Burckhardt’s still debated "Jesuit style" to Hans Sedlmayr’s <I>Reichsstil</I>, the Baroque concepts of these German, Swiss and Austrian art historians, all politically conservative, and two of whom joined the Nazi party, were all took shape in reaction to immediate social and political circumstances. </P> <P>A central argument of the book is that basic terms of architectural history drew from a long established language of political thought. This vocabulary, applied in the formalisms of Wölfflin and Gurlitt, has endured as art history’s unacknowledged political substrate for generations. Classic works, like Wölfflin’s <I>Kunstgeschichtliche Grundbegriffe</I> are interpreted anew here, supported by new documents from the papers of each figure.</P>


2021 ◽  

Historians of political thought and international lawyers have both expanded their interest in the formation of the present global order. History, Politics, Law is the first express encounter between the two disciplines, juxtaposing their perspectives on questions of method and substance. The essays throw light on their approaches to the role of politics and the political in the history of the world beyond the single polity. They discuss the contrast between practice and theory as well as the role of conceptual and contextual analyses in both fields. Specific themes raised for both disciplines include statehood, empires and the role of international institutions, as well as the roles of economics, innovation and gender. The result is a vibrant cross-section of contrasts and parallels between the methods and practices of the two disciplines, demonstrating the many ways in which both can learn from each other.


Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow

I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.


1995 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Bradley Thompson

John Adams was unique among the Founding Fathers in that he actually read and took seriously Machiavelli's ideas. In his Defence of the Constitutions of the United States, Adams quoted extensively from Machiavelli and he openly acknowledged an intellectual debt to the Florentine statesman. Adams praised Machiavelli for having been “the first” to have “revived the ancient politics” and he insisted that the “world” was much indebted to Machiavelli for “the revival of reason in matters of government.” What could Adams have meant by these extraordinary statements? The following article examines the Machiavellian ideas and principles Adams incorporated into his political thought as well as those that he rejected. Drawing upon evidence found in an unpublished fragment, Part one argues that the political epistemology that Adams employed in the Defence can be traced to Machiavelli's new modes and orders. Part two presents Adams's critique of Machiavelli's constitutionalism.


1978 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy M. Shaw ◽  
Malcolm J. Grieve

Africa has become more reliant – not less – on exports of primary products and raw materials and on imports of finished and semifinished goods since independence… the fact that Africa's role in the world economy has undergone a relative decline at the same time as dependence on foreign markets, goods and capital has experienced an absolute increase is evidence that the gap between Africa and the industrialised world is growing, despite the ambitious efforts of African states to close it.1


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
B. Syed Fazlul Huq

This paper draws on "China and India: Macroeconomic prospects and problems." China and India had similar development strategies prior to their breaking out of their deliberate insulation from the world economy and the ushering in of market-oriented economic reforms and liberalization. China began reforming its closed, centrally planned, non-market economy in 1978. India always had a large private sector and functioning markets, which were subject to rigid, state control until the hesitant and piecemeal reforms of the 1980s. These became systemic and far broader after India experienced a severe macroeconomic crisis in 1991. The political environment under which reforms were initiated and implemented in the two countries and their consequences were very different. India continues to be an open, participatory, multiparty democracy, while China has an authoritarian, one party regime, though it is liberalizing policies. China and India have a lot to gain, both from trading with each other and cooperating in the WTO. Each can learn from the other's policies, their successes and failures. This paper discusses a subset of economic issues common to both countries without touching on others, such as privatization of SOEs, reforms of the labour market (e.g., dealing with the "hokou" system in China and labour laws in India), financial sector reforms and, above all, political reforms. Although it may sound chauvinistic and naive, there is no doubt that China can learn a lot from the functioning of a vibrant, but somewhat chaotic, multiparty participatory democracy in India. After all, as the Chinese become richer and economically free, they are likely to demand personal and political freedoms. Hopefully, the Communist Party of China will anticipate and accommodate such demands, as it seems to have started doing already.


2021 ◽  
pp. 129-134
Author(s):  
L. N. Talalova ◽  
Chu Thanh Hang ◽  
A. V. Morozova

The political and economic context for India based on the results of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP) signed in November 2020 is considered. The benefits of strengthening economic cooperation for the participating countries from its signing are characterized. The hypothetical advantages for India in the case of its entry into RCEP are analyzed. In connection with country’s opting out of RCEP the authors have highlighted three segments of reasons for studying (political, legal and economic) that caused such India’s decision. Among the political reasons for India’s opting out of RCEP the problem of the Indo-Chinese border conflict over disputed territory escalating is emphasized. Among the legal reasons that determined opting out of the treaty, the issues of investment policy and intellectual property outside the World Trade Organization frameworks are noted. The economic reasons offset the benefits of RCEP for India are investigated. The connection between all three segments of causes is demonstrated. The experts’ forecasts is evaluated for India’s entry into third place in the world economy in terms of the gross domestic product contribution and the prerequisites for this are studied. It is concluded about the possibility of achieving the goal if a number of conditions are met and a set of necessary measures is carried out.


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 46-49
Author(s):  
Ann Seidman

Crystal ball gazing is hardly the province of social scientists. The best one can do, in attempting to assess the prospects for real economic growth by the year 2000, is to examine the contradictory trends and struggles shaping the political economy of Africa and the world today, and suggest potential alternative outcomes. Even the possibilities are obscure.What is clear is that, despite over ten years of independence for over 40 African countries, the majority of African peoples still confront the overriding problem of poverty. Living on a continent endowed with extensive mineral agricultural resources, they still suffer from among the lowest per capita incomes and the highest mortality rates in the world.


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