scholarly journals Vigilantes and the State: Understanding Violence through a Security Assemblages Approach

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Rebecca Tapscott

The notion that states pursue a monopoly over the use of force rings increasingly hollow. From vigilantes that patrol the United States’ southern border, to thugs for hire in China, states are characterized by non-state violent actors. These trends are more pronounced in comparatively lower-capacity states. Employing the concept of “security assemblages,” I propose that it is crucial to consider historically embedded relations among violent actors and institutions in order to understand their socio-political role and implications for state authority. This approach offers three insights: first, in low-capacity states, violence is not zero-sum. Rather, it is assembled among diverse actors, which each have historically embedded comparative advantages. Second, therefore, state efforts to monopolize violence should be taken as an empirical question rather than an assumption grounding analysis. Third, relationships between violent actors occur in thick institutional environments, meaning that violent actors, including state actors and institutions, often must act under significant constraints. To illustrate these points, I conduct a mixed-methods nested study of vigilantes in Uganda, finding that vigilantes are more common where other authorities are present, and are more helpful when other authorities are also more helpful. Focusing on dynamics between vigilantes and police, I pinpoint their historically distinct roles: the police were established as a colonial-era institution to suppress political dissent, while vigilantes have long been socially embedded actors tasked with everyday security provision. Thus, in this case, police and vigilantes are not substitutes; instead they play distinct and complementary roles.

Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.


Author(s):  
Anna Igorevna Filimonova

After the collapse of the USSR, fundamentally new phenomena appeared on the world arena, which became a watershed separating the bipolar order from the monopolar order associated with the establishment of the US global hegemony. Such phenomena were the events that are most often called «revolutions» in connection with the scale of the changes being made — «velvet revolutions» in the former Eastern Bloc, as well as revolutions of a different type, which ended in a change in the current regimes with such serious consequences that we are also talking about revolutionary transformations. These are technologies of «color revolutions» that allow organizing artificial and seemingly spontaneous mass protests leading to the removal of the legitimate government operating in the country and, in fact, to the seizure of power by a pro-American forces that ensure the Westernization of the country and the implementation of "neoliberal modernization", which essentially means the opening of national markets and the provision of natural resources for the undivided use of the Western factor (TNC and TNB). «Color revolutions» are inseparable from the strategic documents of the United States, in which, from the end of the 20th century, even before the collapse of the USSR, two main tendencies were clearly traced: the expansion of the right to unilateral use of force up to a preemptive strike, which is inextricably linked with the ideological justification of «missionary» American foreign policy, and the right to «assess» the internal state of affairs in countries and change it to a «democratic format», that is, «democratization». «Color revolutions», although they are not directly mentioned in strategic documents, but, being a «technical package of actions», straightforwardly follow from the right, assigned to itself by Washington, to unilateral use of force, which is gradually expanding from exclusively military actions to a comprehensive impact on an opponent country, i.e. essentially a hybrid war. Thus, the «color revolutions» clearly fit into the strategic concept of Washington on the use of force across the entire spectrum (conventional and unconventional war) under the pretext of «democratization». The article examines the period of registration and expansion of the US right to use force (which, according to the current international law, is a crime without a statute of limitations) in the time interval from the end of the twentieth century until 2014, filling semantic content about the need for «democratic transformations» of other states, with which the United States approached the key point of the events of the «Arab spring» and «color revolutions» in the post-Soviet space, the last and most ambitious of which was the «Euromaidan» in Ukraine in 2014. The article presents the material for the preparation of lectures and seminars in the framework of the training fields «International Relations» and «Political Science».


2021 ◽  
pp. 088740342110383
Author(s):  
Scott M. Mourtgos ◽  
Ian T. Adams ◽  
Samuel R. Baty

Most use-of-force policies utilized by U.S. police agencies make fundamental ordinal assumptions about officers’ force responses to subject resistance. These policies consist of varying levels of force and resistance along an ordinally ranked continuum of severity. We empirically tested the ordinal assumptions that are ubiquitous to police use-of-force continua within the United States using 1 year’s use-of-force data from a municipal police department. Applying a quantitative technique known as categorical regression with optimal scaling, we found the assumptions of ordinality within the studied department’s use-of-force continuum (which is similar to many police use-of-force continua within the United States) are not met. Specifying physical force as a “lower” force option than less-lethal tools is associated with increased officer injury and decreased subject injury. Our findings call into question use-of-force continua featuring ordinal rankings for varying categories of less-lethal force.


2008 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Kovic

July 2007. Hundreds of Central American migrants were camped along the railway tracks in Arriaga, Chiapas waiting to for the freight train to leave. Some were eating, perhaps their last food for days, others had bottles of water tied across their shoulders, some attempted to rest under the train cars to escape the hot sun. One young man brushed his teeth under the trees, using the water he carried in a recycled coca-cola bottle, to prepare himself for the journey ahead. Arriaga, a town of 25,000 people, is split in half by the train tracks. The town's tiny plaza, with a small playground, fondas (eateries), and a railway museum, sits on one side of the tracks. The town's church and market lie on the other. These Central American migrants in Arriaga, some 150 miles from Mexico's southern border with Guatemala, were eager to jump the freight train to continue their journey north to the United States. The train had not left Arriaga for a full week and many were desperate as they felt trapped. Their preparations underscored the dangers and harshness of the trip. They would have to hold on to the train for hours and days at a time, riding on ladders and the roofs of tank cars. Those who fall asleep and lose their grip risk death or severe injury, such as dismemberment.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (17) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Vázquez Ruiz

Resumen:El proceso de globalización de los procesos económicos, a primera vista sugiere un mundo de dimensiones homogéneas, muy interrelacionado entre sí y con igualdad de oportunidades de desarrollo para todos los países. Pero la realidad se desenvuelve en otra lógica: la globalización impulsa dinámicas muy segmentadas, donde el mundo vive las paradojas de la conformación de bloques regionales entre países y de regiones diferenciadas al interior de estos. En este sentido, uno de los espacios donde en la actualidad, por una razón u otra, se dan relaciones peculiares, son las fronterizas. Hay países donde los vínculos fronterizos se expresan como conflictos étnicos y religiosos; en cambio en otros, las conexiones más importantes son de índole económica y demográfica. Este es el caso de la frontera entre México y Estados Unidos, espacio donde se reproduce una de las relaciones binacionales más intensas entre países. En el presente artículo, se pretende avanzar en hacer una relectura de la frontera norte de México y sur de Estados Unidos, considerándola una región integrada por dos subregiones: la estadounidense y la mexicana. Para ello, se pasa revista a los más importantes enfoques teóricos para entender esa realidad, y se propone su revisión a la luz de las constantes modificaciones en ésta, que conducen a agotamientos muy rápidos en los "paradigmas" de análisis que cada autor del tema utiliza. Este planteamiento se documenta con la aportación de elementos cuantitativos y cualitativos acerca de las partes que configuran la región y, particularmente, se destacan las distintas modalidades de corredores económicos como medios de vinculación entre las "subregiones". Se plantea también reflexionar acerca de aspectos poco estudiados en estas últimas, como sería el perfil de los actores empresariales, básico para entender sus niveles de competitividad en la globalización a partir de una plataforma regional.Palabras clave: Globalización, Zonas fronterizas, Frontera México-Estados Unidos, Corredores económicos, Economía fronteriza.Abstract:The globalization of economic processes, at first sight, suggests a very inter- related world of homogenous dimensions, with equal opportunities of development for all countries. But reality comes about with another logic: globalization furthers very segmented dynamics, where the world experiences the paradox of the establishment of regional blocks among countries and regions that are differentiated within such blocks. In this sense, border areas are one of the spaces where presently, due to one reason or another, peculiar relations occur. There are countries where border ties are expressed as ethnic and religious conflicts, whereas, there are others, in which the most important connections are of an economic and demographic nature. This is the case of the Mexico-US border, space where one of the most intense binational relations between countries takes place. This article intends to review Mexico?s northern border and the United States southern border, considering it a region integrated by two subregions: the one of the United States and the one of Mexico. For such purpose, the most important theoretical approaches is reviewed in order to understand said reality. Its review is proposed in view of its constant modifications that lead to very fast depletions in the "paradigms" of analysis used by each author who writes about the subject. This statement is documented with the contribution of qualitative and quantitative elements about the parts that form the region, particularly underscoring the different modalities of economic corridors as means to link the "subregions". Statements are also made that lead to reflect on aspects that have been little studied in the latter, such as the pro file of the business actors, that is basic to understand their levels of competitiveness in globalization as of a regional platform .Key words: Globalization, Borderlines, USA-Mexico borderline, Economic corridors, Borderline economics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 219
Author(s):  
Amanda Sprochi

Religion and Politics in America: An Encyclopedia of Church and State in American Life provides an overview of the relationship between politics and religion in the United States. Smith, president of Tyndale International University, history instructor at Georgia Gwinnett College, and Presbyterian minister, with his collaborators, has created a resource that spans the history of the United States from the colonial era to the present day. The 360 entries in the encyclopedia are arranged alphabetically by topic and are signed by the contributor, and each article includes references for further reading. Cross-references, a chronological time line, and a comprehensive index help to identify particular topics and to facilitate further reading.


2021 ◽  

Research on Latinx athletes and their communities is a significant contribution to sports studies. Recent studies on sports in Latinx communities have highlighted regional teams, transnational relationships, race and ethnicity, and sociopolitical structures. Still, the need continues for more attention on Latinx sport identity and community. Although basketball originated in the United States, the sport played a significant political role in regions throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. For example, in Mexico, President Lázaro Cárdenas (r. 1934–1940) introduced government reforms that included promoting sports; thus, in Oaxaca, Catholic missionaries used basketball as a socialization tool to strengthen relationships in rural communities (see Rios 2008 [cited under Society and Culture]). Rios 2019 (cited under Society and Culture) and Garcia 2014 (cited under History and Geography) are the primary texts dedicated to the history of basketball in Latin America and the importance of basketball to Latinx communities in the United States.


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