Tunisian Theater Through the Lens of Revolution: Theatrical Expression as Resistance, Anxiety, Aspiration

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-191
Author(s):  
Rafika Zahrouni

By comparing pre- and post-2011 Tunisian theatrical scripts and performances, this report analyzes instances of resistance to political oppression. The Tunisian theater provides space for free expression against the way in which the Tunisian government has handled its power, especially with regard to Islamic terrorism, not only before but also after the revolution. The present report also suggests that the pre-revolution plays represent resistance to the Tunisian pre-revolution regime that stifled political, religious, and cultural free expression. Despite the new political plurality that sprang up in 2011 in reaction to the revolution, however, resistance to the post-revolution political system also forms the central focus in the later plays that highlight oppression.

Author(s):  
Arezou Azad

Covering the period from 709 to 871, this chapter traces the initial conversion of Afghanistan from Zoroastrianism and Buddhism to Islam. Highlighting the differential developments in four regions of Afghanistan, it discusses the very earliest history of Afghan Islam both as a religion and as a political system in the form of a caliphate.  The chapter draws on under-utilized sources, such as fourth to eighth century Bactrian documents from Tukharistan and medieval Arabic and Persian histories of Balkh, Herat and Sistan. In so doing, it offers a paradigm shift in the way early Islam is understood by arguing that it did not arrive in Afghanistan as a finished product, but instead grew out of Afghanistan’s multi-religious context. Through fusions with Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, early Abrahamic traditions, and local cult practices, the Islam that resulted was less an Arab Islam that was imported wholesale than a patchwork of various cultural practices.


2018 ◽  
Vol 130 (4) ◽  
pp. 141-156
Author(s):  
Corneliu C. Simuț

In December 1989, Communism died in Romania—if not as mentality, it surely met its demise as a political system which had dominated almost every aspect of life in the country for over four decades. Thus, at least in theory, an ideological vacuum was created and concrete steps towards filling it with different values and convictions were supposed to be taken as early as possible. The Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church seized the opportunity and initiated a series of measures which eventually created a distinct perception about what culture, ethnicity, and religion were supposed to mean for whoever identified himself as Romanian. This paper investigates these ideological attempts to decontaminate Romania of its former Communist mentalities by resorting to the concept of ecodomy seen as ‘constructive process’ and the way it can be applied to how the Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church dealt with culture, ethnicity, and religion. In the end, it will be demonstrated that while decommunistization was supposed to be constructive and positive, it proved to be so only for the Romanians whose national identity was defined by their adherence to the Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church and its perspective on culture, ethnicity, and religion. For all other Romanian citizens, however, decommunistization was a process of ‘negative ecodomy’ because their cultural ideas, ethnic origin, or religious convictions were perceived as non-Romanian and non-Orthodox. In attempting to reach decommunistization therefore, the Romanian majority still tends to be xenophobic and even anti-Muslim, as plainly demonstrated by the Bucharest mosque scandal which rocked the country in the summer of 2015.


2009 ◽  
pp. 31-56
Author(s):  
Alessio Quercioli

- Is about the annexation of Veneto to the Reign of Italy in 1866, which deprives students from Italian provinces in the Austro-Hungarian Empire of the only university in Italian language within the boundaries of the double monarchy of Padua. People study in Austria, following classes in German, or enroll in Italian institutes whose qualifications are not acknowledged by Austrian authorities. The decision to study in Italy must be considered as a precise political choice; the youngest challenge the Austrian social and political system, that seems stale and inadequate, by choosing the "young" Reign. Many of these students will join the Italian army as volunteers. This research aims at giving new hints and open the way to further analyses of the «'14 generation», whose exceptionality has always been highlighted. But it is also necessary to focus on the connections with the previous generations - particularly for the "irredentists" - on their non-impromptu choices, which have to be seen as the result of a long cultural and political path.Key words: Students, University, Irredentism, First World War.Parole chiave: Studenti, Universitŕ, Irredentismo, Prima guerra mondiale.


1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
KIMBERLY A. GROSS ◽  
DONALD R. KINDER

Freedom of expression is celebrated as one of the glories of the American political system. But does all speech deserve immunity? In particular, should speech designed to vilify or degrade on the basis of race be protected? Opinions on racist speech are complicated because they must accommodate two fundamental democratic principles that operate at cross purposes: freedom of expression, which implies support for racist speech, and racial equality, which implies the opposite. Using data from the 1990 General Social Survey, we examine how Americans resolve this conflict. Our major finding is that the principle of free expression dominates the principle of racial equality. What contemporary legal scholars regard as a hard case entailing a collision of democratic principles, ordinary Americans seem to interpret as a straightforward application of just a single principle. This result mirrors and perhaps reflects a nearly century-long and mostly lop-sided debate favouring free speech among American elites.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-292
Author(s):  
Gabriela Mihăilă-Lică

Abstract The paper analyses the image of Maria Rosetti, the first female journalist in Romania, one of the personalities that played a crucial role for the outcome of the Revolution of 1848, and the way in which she remained in the public consciousness. Born in Guernsey, Scotland, the sister of the diplomat Effingham Grant and wife of the Romanian revolutionary Constantin Alexandru Rosetti “made the cause of Romania her own“. Despite being a foreigner, through everything she did, Maria Rosetti tried to help her adoptive country evolve and become a modern unitary state. Besides playing an active role in the escape of her husband and of other revolutionaries arrested by the Turks, she was also the mother of eight children (only four survived) in whom she instilled the most fervent patriotism. Last, but not least, the wife of C. A. Rosetti used her literary talent for pedagogical purposes in order to educate the younger generations according to the desiderata of a new Romanian society. Admired by her contemporaries and by her followers, her portrait was immortalized by C. D. Rosenthal in the famous painting “Revolutionary Romania”, becoming a symbol of the love and of the power of sacrifice for her country.


Slovo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol The autobiographical... (Beyond the steppes of Central...) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeeb KHALID

International audience This a rticle explores t he s o-called “ Memoirs” o f M unavvar qori Abdurashidxon o’g’li (1878-1931), a major figure in the politics of Turkestanin the era of the revolution and an early victim of the OGPU. The autobiographical text is a series of pokazanija written while Munavvar qori was under arrest in which he describes his political activities since the revolution. The article analyses the way in which Munavvar qori presents himself—a combination limited confession with plausible denial or extenuation—and the way he deploys language. The article also presents lengthy excerpts in English translation. cette étude examine les prétendus « Mémoires » de Munavvar qori Abdurashidxon o’g’li (1878-1931), une figure d’importance dans l’histoirepolitique du Turkestan à l’ère révolutionnaire et une des premières victimes de l’OGPU. Le texte autobiographique comprend une série de pokazanija, écrits quand Munavvar qori était en état d’arrestation, et qui racontent ses activités depuis la révolution. L’étude analyse la manière avec laquelle on se présente – soit une combinaison de confession limitée et de démentis vraisemblables – et le langage qu’on y déploie. L’étude offre aussi des extraits du texte en traduction anglaise. В статье исследуется так называемые «Воспоминания» Мунаввар кори Абдурашидхонов (1878-1931 гг.), один из виднейших деятелейполитической жизни Туркестана в эпохи революции и один из ранних жертв ОГПУ. Автобиографический текст состоит из ряда показаний, написанные во время выключения автора, и в которых он запишет его деятельность в послереволюционной период. В данной статье анализируется способов, в которых Мунаввар кори представляет себя (между умеренным признанием вины и отдалением в вероятной мере из ее) и языка, котором он используется. Статья тоже содержат в себе длинных выдержки из текста на английском переводе.


Author(s):  
POLLY LOW

This chapter discusses one of the best-known instances of classical commemoration: the public funeral and collective burial and commemoration of the Athenian war dead. Its particular aim is to explore the various contexts in which Athenian practice might be understood. How do these monuments fit into the wider picture of Athenian burial and commemoration, in terms of both form and physical location? How do they relate to the political system and ideology of the city that created them? And how might these contexts shape the way in which the monuments were used and understood by contemporary and later viewers?


Author(s):  
Anna Clayfield

This chapter comprises an in-depth analysis of the revolutionary leadership’s discourse between 1959 and 1968, a year often pinpointed by external observers as heralding a move away from the guerrilla-style, empirical management of the Revolution towards a more structured, Soviet-inspired approach. The chapter also charts the way in which the leaders of the Revolution employed guerrilla rhetoric from their very first days in power, thus gradually embedding guerrilla-related motifs into the official discourse. In turn, this language helped to shape a new political culture that not only reinforced the legitimacy of the revolutionary project but also gave the impression of conferring ownership for its development onto the Cuban people.


Author(s):  
Sahar Khamis

This chapter analyzes the role of new media, especially Internet-based communication, in accelerating the process of political transformation and democratization in Egypt. It analyzes the Egyptian media landscape before, during and after the 2011 revolution which toppled the regime of President Hosni Mubarak. In the pre-revolutionary phase, the eclectic and paradoxical political and communication landscapes in Egypt, and the role that new media played in paving the way for the revolution, is discussed. During the 2011 revolution, the role of new media, especially social media, such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, is highlighted in terms of the multiple roles they play as catalysts for change, avenues for civic engagement, and platforms for citizen journalism. In the post-revolutionary phase, the multiple changes and challenges exhibiting themselves after the revolution are analyzed, especially the divisiveness between different players in the Egyptian political arena and how it is reflected in the communication landscape.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phill Wilcox

This chapter argues that while the political system in Laos has shown resilience and an ability to reinvent itself as necessary, it is not entirely unassailable. Even in authoritarian systems, legitimacy remains important. It suggests that if there is to be a flash point over legitimacy, that may come with rising inequality and particularly, as the rise of Chinese influence continues. It concludes by suggesting that as long as a sense of Laoness remains, the political system may remain in place as the authorities present themselves as the guardians of Lao culture and identity. Should that become threatened, questions of political legitimacy will reopen. It includes a final paragraph questioning how the Covid-19 situation will impact Laos.


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