Consolidating the Revolution, 1959–1968

Author(s):  
Anna Clayfield

This chapter comprises an in-depth analysis of the revolutionary leadership’s discourse between 1959 and 1968, a year often pinpointed by external observers as heralding a move away from the guerrilla-style, empirical management of the Revolution towards a more structured, Soviet-inspired approach. The chapter also charts the way in which the leaders of the Revolution employed guerrilla rhetoric from their very first days in power, thus gradually embedding guerrilla-related motifs into the official discourse. In turn, this language helped to shape a new political culture that not only reinforced the legitimacy of the revolutionary project but also gave the impression of conferring ownership for its development onto the Cuban people.

2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. C. Sharman

Social scientists studying revolutions have increasingly argued that explanations of revolutions that do not include subjective factors, such as culture, are inadequate. The failure to explain the anti-Communist revolutions of 1989 is forceful testimony to this inadequacy. But the way in which cultural aspects are being added to existing approaches tends to undermine past advances in studying revolutions. Recent historiography of the French Revolution provides an example of a more thorough-going approach to political culture. A productive synthesis that both preserves past advances and better explains the revolutions of 1989 is achieved by analyzing the effects of cultural change on state elites.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-292
Author(s):  
Gabriela Mihăilă-Lică

Abstract The paper analyses the image of Maria Rosetti, the first female journalist in Romania, one of the personalities that played a crucial role for the outcome of the Revolution of 1848, and the way in which she remained in the public consciousness. Born in Guernsey, Scotland, the sister of the diplomat Effingham Grant and wife of the Romanian revolutionary Constantin Alexandru Rosetti “made the cause of Romania her own“. Despite being a foreigner, through everything she did, Maria Rosetti tried to help her adoptive country evolve and become a modern unitary state. Besides playing an active role in the escape of her husband and of other revolutionaries arrested by the Turks, she was also the mother of eight children (only four survived) in whom she instilled the most fervent patriotism. Last, but not least, the wife of C. A. Rosetti used her literary talent for pedagogical purposes in order to educate the younger generations according to the desiderata of a new Romanian society. Admired by her contemporaries and by her followers, her portrait was immortalized by C. D. Rosenthal in the famous painting “Revolutionary Romania”, becoming a symbol of the love and of the power of sacrifice for her country.


Slovo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol The autobiographical... (Beyond the steppes of Central...) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeeb KHALID

International audience This a rticle explores t he s o-called “ Memoirs” o f M unavvar qori Abdurashidxon o’g’li (1878-1931), a major figure in the politics of Turkestanin the era of the revolution and an early victim of the OGPU. The autobiographical text is a series of pokazanija written while Munavvar qori was under arrest in which he describes his political activities since the revolution. The article analyses the way in which Munavvar qori presents himself—a combination limited confession with plausible denial or extenuation—and the way he deploys language. The article also presents lengthy excerpts in English translation. cette étude examine les prétendus « Mémoires » de Munavvar qori Abdurashidxon o’g’li (1878-1931), une figure d’importance dans l’histoirepolitique du Turkestan à l’ère révolutionnaire et une des premières victimes de l’OGPU. Le texte autobiographique comprend une série de pokazanija, écrits quand Munavvar qori était en état d’arrestation, et qui racontent ses activités depuis la révolution. L’étude analyse la manière avec laquelle on se présente – soit une combinaison de confession limitée et de démentis vraisemblables – et le langage qu’on y déploie. L’étude offre aussi des extraits du texte en traduction anglaise. В статье исследуется так называемые «Воспоминания» Мунаввар кори Абдурашидхонов (1878-1931 гг.), один из виднейших деятелейполитической жизни Туркестана в эпохи революции и один из ранних жертв ОГПУ. Автобиографический текст состоит из ряда показаний, написанные во время выключения автора, и в которых он запишет его деятельность в послереволюционной период. В данной статье анализируется способов, в которых Мунаввар кори представляет себя (между умеренным признанием вины и отдалением в вероятной мере из ее) и языка, котором он используется. Статья тоже содержат в себе длинных выдержки из текста на английском переводе.


Author(s):  
Julian Swann

The absolute monarchy was a personal monarchy and during the reign of Louis XIV, the king established a tradition that the king should act as his ‘own first minister’, coordinating the work of his ministerial servants. In the course of the eighteenth century that tradition was undermined by a series of social, administrative, and cultural changes to such an extent that by the 1780s ministers were increasingly behaving as independent political figures, courting public opinion and claiming to act in the name of public welfare or even the nation. By examining these changes, this chapter argues that the political culture of the absolute monarchy was in constant transition and that the failure of Louis XVI, in particular, to manage its effects was one of the principal causes of his loss of authority in the period preceding the Revolution of 1789.


Author(s):  
Anna Clayfield

This chapter explores how guerrilla motifs were still readily discernible in the official discourse of the 1970s. Scholarly studies have often overlooked this period in the Revolution’s trajectory, designating it simply as a decade of “Sovietization,” or, to use the Cuban term, increased “institutionalization.” What the evidence in this chapter reveals is that, though the Revolution underwent a profound structural change in the late 1960s and early 1970s, many of the beliefs and values which underpinned the revolutionary project in its formative years—that is, those linked to a guerrilla ethos—were still being promoted well into the Revolution’s second decade in power.


Author(s):  
Sahar Khamis

This chapter analyzes the role of new media, especially Internet-based communication, in accelerating the process of political transformation and democratization in Egypt. It analyzes the Egyptian media landscape before, during and after the 2011 revolution which toppled the regime of President Hosni Mubarak. In the pre-revolutionary phase, the eclectic and paradoxical political and communication landscapes in Egypt, and the role that new media played in paving the way for the revolution, is discussed. During the 2011 revolution, the role of new media, especially social media, such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, is highlighted in terms of the multiple roles they play as catalysts for change, avenues for civic engagement, and platforms for citizen journalism. In the post-revolutionary phase, the multiple changes and challenges exhibiting themselves after the revolution are analyzed, especially the divisiveness between different players in the Egyptian political arena and how it is reflected in the communication landscape.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Rajdeep Singh

Auxiliary verbs have an important influence in the way languages connect with the cognitive processes. In this study, we investigate the role of auxiliary verbs in the formation of the semantic picture we get from their usage. Furthermore, the semantic notion and its interaction with the cognitive processing are taken into account. For our goal to be more tangible and testable, we took Serbo-Croatian, Persian, Spanish, French and English for an in-depth analysis, wherefrom we proposed a classification scheme for all languages based on the behavior of their auxiliary verbs. Based on the proposed model, we investigate furthermore the passive voice in English and propose a strong explanation for the cognitive-semantic sense of the passive in English based on the cognitive duality principle. Importance of Croatian in the way that it forms an extreme pole in the proposed classification scheme is further discussed. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that Persian has a syntactic incorporation in its simple past and present perfect. 


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan R. I. Cole

Between 1905 and 1911, Iranians were engaged in a protracted struggle over whether a constitutionalist regime would replace royal absolutism.1 Little in Iran's political culture before 1905 had hinted at this conflict before it broke out, and for the past thirty years historians have been seeking this genealogy for it. Most have searched among the papers of officials and diplomats, often examining unpublished or posthumously published manuscripts with little or no contemporary circulation, at least before the revolution,2 but we might get closer to its context if we look at what was going on outside the governmental elite. Here I will explore the growth of belief in representative government within an Iranian millenarian movement, the Bahai faith, in the last third of the 19th century, as an example of how the new ideas circulated that led to the conflict.3 Historians have noted a link between millenarianism and democratic or populist thought elsewhere, after all; for instance they have long recognized the importance of chiliastic ideas in e English Revolution of the 17th century. The republicanism of American dissidents and revolutionaries was also sometimes tinged with a civil millennialism. The Bahais of Iran, too, combined democratic rhetoric with millenarian imagery in the generation before the Constitutional Revolution.4


Author(s):  
Filippo Sabetti

This article attempts to take stock of the state of research on democracy and culture by providing answers to several sets of questions. It seeks to improve the understanding of the relationship between culture and action, and between political culture and democratic outcomes. The article begins by exploring the way the literature has dealt with the possible meaning of culture and political culture and their relationship to action. It also suggests why there has been little contribution to democracy derived from political culture research, and identifies how the efforts to rethink how and why the subject matter is approached in certain ways led many analysts to break out of established epistemological demarcations. This eventually led to the reinvigorated tools of investigation and research on democracy and civic culture. The article concludes with a discussion on the implications of improved tools of investigation for future research.


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