scholarly journals Doubting John?

2016 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 17-48
Author(s):  
Frances Andrews

This essay focuses on the figure of John the Baptist in prison and the question he sent his disciples to ask Christ: was he ‘the one who is to come’ (Matthew 11: 2–3)? Having observed how the Fathers strove to distance John from the perils of doubt in their readings of this passage, it traces the way their arguments were picked up by twelfth- and thirteenth-century biblical exegetes and then by authors of anti-heretical dispute texts in urban Italy, where the Baptist was a popular patron saint. So as to give force to their own counter-arguments, learned polemicists, clerical and lay, made much of heretics’ hostility to John, powerfully ventriloquizing a doubting, sceptical standpoint. One counter-argument was to assign any doubts to John's disciples, for whose benefit he therefore sent to ask for confirmation of the means of Christ's return, neatly moving doubt from questions of faith to epistemology. Such ideas may have seeped beyond the bounds of a university-trained elite, as is perhaps visible in a fourteenth-century fresco representing John in prison engaging with anxious disciples. But place, audience and genre determined where doubt was energetically debated and where it was more usually avoided, as in sermons for the laity on the feast of a popular saint.

2020 ◽  
pp. 161-182
Author(s):  
Pallavi Raghavan

In this chapter, I chart out how partition shifted the terms of trade between two points now divided by the boundary line. While, on the one hand, both governments made lofty declarations of carrying out trade with one another as independent nation states—taxable, and liable to regulations by both states—on the other, they were also forced to come to a series of arrangements to accommodate commercial transactions to continue in the way that they had always existed before the making of the boundary. In many instances, in fact, it was actually impossible to physically stop the process of commercial transactions between both sides of the border, and the boundary line. Therefore, the question this chapter is concerned with is the extent to which both governments’ positions were amenable to the necessities of contingency, demand, and genuine emergency, in the face of a great deal of rhetoric about how the Indian and Pakistani economies had to be bolstered on their own merits.


2019 ◽  
pp. 88-116
Author(s):  
John Marenbon

Magnanimity, especially as discussed by Aristotle, might seem to be one of the pagan virtues that would have been difficult to assimilate into a Christian ethical scheme. In fact, from the Fathers onwards, Christians welcomed magnanimitas into their classifications of the virtues, basing their understanding of it, up until the thirteenth century, on Stoic sources. When they came, from the mid-1200s onwards, to read Aristotle’s discussion of magnanimity in his Ethics, the theologians—Aquinas above all—managed ingeniously to combine Aristotle’s description with the version of magnanimity that was already at home in Christian thought. In the fourteenth century, Giraut Ott and John Buridan, in different ways, came closer to Aristotle’s discussion, without suggesting that magnanimity should be suspect as a virtue for Christians. The one medieval writer who does seem to have had a strong sense of magnanimity as an attractive, but distinctively pagan virtue, cultivated by the damned rather than those destined for heaven, was Dante.


1960 ◽  
Vol 40 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 188-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. G. Hurst

When the deanery of Westminster Abbey was being rebuilt in the autumn of 1951, as a result of war damage, a pit was found containing fourteen complete pots and fragments of nearly twenty others. The Ministry of Works was called in and the pottery was cleaned and restored in the Ancient Monuments Laboratory; it is now in the deanery. Unfortunately the pit was dug out by workmen before the find was reported to the Clerk of Works, but all the pottery was said to come from the one pit. The pit was about 5 × 3 ft. and was situated under a new flight of stairs in the new entrance hall (fig. I). It is not possible to tell exactly how this part of the building was arranged in late medieval times but the pit appears to have been inside the building. Although it has the general appearance of a latrine pit it may have been used for storage or some other purpose. The wall immediately to the east is twelfth century and the room in which the pit now is was probably the twelfth-century hall of the abbot's lodging. The whole building was reconstructed by Abbot Litlington in the late fourteenth century and Abbot Islip carried out further work in the early sixteenth century.


Author(s):  
S. Phillip Nolte ◽  
Yolanda Dreyer

Pastors as wounded healers: Autobiographical pastorate as a way for pastors to achieve emotional wholenessIn a previous article it was argued that pastors suffer from cognitive dissonance because of the paradigm shift from modernity to postmodernity, and the emotional woundedness that frequently results from their struggles to come to terms with the new world in which they have to live and minister. This article reflects on the way in which two further issues may exacerbate emotional woundedness in pastors. The one is church tradition, as it is reflected in several formularies used during church services in the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk van Afrika (NHKA), as well as the Church Ordinance of the NHKA. The other issue is the way in which pastors view the Bible. The language and rhetoric used to reflect on these issues are discussed and evaluated. In its last paragraph the article reflects on the possibility of autobiographical pastorate as a way for pastors to achieve emotional wholeness.


1977 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Christine Fell

In this, my third article on the sources of Saga Játvarðar konungs hins helga, the fourteenth-century Icelandic saga of Edward the Confessor, I hope to cover all the material that I have not dealt with previously. In my first article, on the hagiographical sources, I suggested that the saga writer used two specific texts, a service book containing the lections for St Edward's day and the Speculum Historiale of Vincent of Beauvais. In my second one, on the saga's version of the Anglo-Saxon emigration to Byzantium, I showed that this account was very closely related to the one in the anonymous and unpublished Chronicon Laudunensis. Here I wish to show the full extent of the saga's debt to CL. In doing this I also need to show how the saga writer used Scandinavian sources, a range of material that he acknowledges when he refers us to what is said í æfi Noregskonunga. The specific saga which he has utilized most fully is that of Harald Hardrada, Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar. Since he was compiling JS in the fourteenth century, HS would have been available to him in a number of recensions. Extant ones include the early-thirteenth-century Msk and Fsk, both of which may have been utilized by Snorri Sturluson in Hkr later in that century. Some of the later manuscripts of Hkr, such as Eirspennill, include interpolations and there are compilations, such as the fourteenth-century Hulda, which combine material from Msk and Hkr. The evidence indicates that the compiler of JS knew HS in more than one of these redactions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-260
Author(s):  
Federico Dal Bo

Abstract Translation is hardly an exceptional event. On the contrary, it is quite common and reflects the necessity of communication despite the obvious multiplicity of human languages. Therefore, it has often exhibited a practical and prescriptive nature – as a discourse characterised by instructions to translators about how, what and why to translate. In the present article, I will pay special attention to the treatment of Hebrew and Aramaic terms in the thirteenth-century Latin translation of the Talmud – better known as Extractiones de Talmud (‘Excerpts from the Talmud’). This translation is a large anthology from the Babylonian Talmud that was compiled by Christian authorities in consequence of the famous Paris process of 1240, when the Jewish convert Nicholas Donin confronted the prominent Rabbi Yehiel of Paris regarding the allegedly blasphemous, anti-Christian nature of the Talmud. This large anthology frequently emphasises linguistic difference and abounds in providing details about specific terms from Talmudic literature. Yet the Extractiones appear to neglect the complex nature of the Talmud. They never mention that the Talmud is bilingual – as it collects Hebrew and Aramaic texts – while emphasising that in it the Jews still employ the so-called ‘Holy Tongue’. I will argue that the Extractiones’ emphasis on Hebrew has both ideological and practical purposes. On the one hand, the notion that Hebrew abounds in the Talmud resonates well with the Christian expectation that Judaism is still bound to the “hebraica veritas” (‘Hebrew truth’). On the other hand, an unexperienced Christian reader might have found it difficult to come to terms with the linguistically and historically complex nature of the Talmud. Therefore, the focus on Hebrew may have been the result of an oversimplification for the readers’ sake. The case will be proven on account of one central example: the translation of the Hebrew term “yeshivah”. I will show that the treatment of this term illustrates how the Latin translator of the Talmud intended to emphasise the cultural difference between Jews and Christians, without abandoning the practical need of offering some form of cultural adaptation.


1992 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 187-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Biller

A Term in many ways inappropriate to the Middle Ages’: so begins AA a recent medieval encyclopaedia article on ‘antisemitism’. It is the first worry of the medievalist. On the one hand, he or she hears the c’est la même chose cry of the non-medievalist when the latter looks at examples of medieval hatred of the Jews. On the other hand, he or she is acutely aware both of the modernity of racial thought and the way in which twelfth-or thirteenth-century texts, when discussing Jews, use religious vocabulary, not ‘racial’. Painful modern Jewish and Christian concern to examine the Church’s guilt pushes in the same direction as the medievalist’s anxiety about anachronism. The effect is to underline religion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michiel Baas

This article examines the temporal dimensions of migration trajectories by focusing on a small number of Indian migrants in Singapore who identify as gay. In particular it does so by examining the way ‘being gay’ factored into their decision to come to Singapore (the past), the way it plays a role in their ongoing trajectories (the present) and the way it gradually starts taking up a more prominent role in their plans for ‘the future’. Drawing upon queer migration studies as well as recent studies with a renewed focus on the temporalities of migration, this article argues that ‘queer temporalities’ need to be understood as doubly layered. On the one hand it relates to the im/possibility of a queer (migrant) future while on the other hand pointing at an issue a growing group of migrants in general are faced with: the way rights, opportunities and ‘futures’ are queered from mainstream society. While so far the attention with reference to this has mainly been focused on low skilled migrants who, as is the case also in Singapore, are often excluded from ever permanently staying on in their host nation, with the increasing fine-tuning of migration programmes, this article argues that we need to expand our attention to other groups of variously skilled migrants as well.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Haylor

Abstract Recommendations for changes to service provision and fisheries policy in support of poverty alleviation emerged recently in India from a process known as facilitated advocacy (see case study on Facilitated advocacy) that helped to negotiate and support a role for poor people and their service providers to contribute to changes in services and policies. Two key recommendations to emerge from farmers and fishers, which were prioritized by fisheries departments, were * to change the way that information is made available, and * to simplify procedures for accessing government schemes and bank loans. This case study identifies the origin of recommendations to change the way that information is made available, shows how different models of the concept have emerged, and follows the development of the One-stop Aqua Shops (OAS) in the eastern Indian states of Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal, which represent a new and vital tier in communications in aquaculture.


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