Persistent Bias Among Local Election Officials

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-187
Author(s):  
D. Alex Hughes ◽  
Micah Gell-Redman ◽  
Charles Crabtree ◽  
Natarajan Krishnaswami ◽  
Diana Rodenberger ◽  
...  

AbstractResults of an audit study conducted during the 2016 election cycle demonstrate that bias toward Latinos observed during the 2012 election has persisted. In addition to replicating previous results, we show that Arab/Muslim Americans face an even greater barrier to communicating with local election officials, but we find no evidence of bias toward blacks. An innovation of our design allows us to measure whether e-mails were opened by recipients, which we argue provides a direct test of implicit discrimination. We find evidence of implicit bias toward Arab/Muslim senders only.

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (02) ◽  
pp. 369-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim L. Fridkin ◽  
Jillian Courey ◽  
Samantha Hernandez ◽  
Joshua Spears

One of most negative campaigns in history may have taken place during the 2014 Senate election cycle. Nearly 75% of senate ads aired during a two-week period in early fall of 2014 showed a candidate in a negative light, according to the Wesleyan Media Project. A postelection analysis by the Center for Public Integrity showed that 46% of the more than one million ads aired during the 2014 senate campaigns were negative. And, in the most competitive states, the proportion of negative ads was even higher (e.g., 67% in North Carolina, 58% in Kansas). Negative advertisements sponsored by candidates, interest groups, and political parties are being launched on the airways, in newspapers, on radio, and via the Internet at an unprecedented pace. These advertisements, however, are now routinely subjected to fact checking.The Washington Post, along with many other fact-checking organizations, such as PolitiFact, The AP Factcheck, and Factcheck.org, examine thousands of statements and political advertisements during campaigns to determine the accuracy of the claims. For instance, during the 2012 election cycle, PolitiFact had 36 reporters and editors working in 11 states producing more than 800 fact checks on the presidential campaign and hundreds more for candidates running for the U.S. House and U.S. Senate.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Stroh ◽  
Sebastian Reiserer

What happened during the news coverage for the 2016 election cycle(s) is a case study that will be studied for years to come. The failure to accurately predict Brexit or Donald Trump’s success in the US presidential election left everybody perplexed as neither, especially the latter, was ever predicted to occur. This research investigates the failures of the media to predict Trump’s election and investigates whether Twitter can be used in the place of existing procedures to correctly predict elections. Data obtained through this research shows that online discussion of Trump by Twitter users was higher than discussion of Hillary Clinton during four critical events leading up to election day. This paper argues that this data can be used to make successful predictions for election outcomes. The findings and conclusion help underscore the importance of this type of research, not only in terms of predicting elections via Twitter, but also in terms of how such insights might benefit the media and its audiences.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candi S. Carter Olson* ◽  
Victoria LaPoe*

Using a Qualtrics survey of 338 Twitter and Facebook users, the authors explore the effect that the 2016 U.S. presidential election had on people’s political posts both before and after the election and whether or not people actually experienced harassment and threats during the election cycle. If trolling causes people—particularly women, LGBTQIA community members, and people who identify with a disability—to censor themselves because they feel their opinion is in the minority or that they will be attacked for speaking, then it would follow that trolling is changing our digital public sphere, which is affecting our political conversations. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thessalia Merivaki

During every election cycle, election administrators validate voter registration applications submitted at different times and through various sources, with a notable peak in the demand for voter registration as Election Day approaches. The process of registering to vote, however, is error-prone and may depend on the voter’s capacity to fill a form correctly, or the election administrator’s capacity to successfully process applications as the voter registration window closes. Such errors can limit a prospective, and eligible, voter’s ability to cast a valid ballot. This study assesses the impact of time and registration source on the rates of rejected voter registration applications by analyzing monthly county-level voter registration reports during the 2012 election cycle in Florida. I find that there is a dynamic relationship between administrative and seasonal factors at the county level, which condition the rates of rejected voter registrations as the registration deadline approaches. These findings suggest complications in not only the process of registering to vote that may stem from differences in voter engagement but also the variation in administrative oversight throughout the election cycle.


Significance Traditionally, early successes in the nomination process -- particularly Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina -- can add momentum to a candidate's nomination campaign, through increased media coverage, elite endorsements and campaign contributions. In the 2016 election cycle, media coverage has focused on the Republican race, where a large field and unprecedented levels of discord have dominated headlines. The Democratic race has come down to former First Lady, Senator and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton against Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders. Impacts Speaker of the House Paul Ryan may use the election-season window to pass legislation on trade or criminal-justice reform. Republicans may lose key seats in the Senate if they nominate Trump or Cruz. The Senate may trigger a constitutional crisis in an election year if it announces that it will no longer confirm Obama's judicial nominees.


Author(s):  
J. Eric Oliver ◽  
Wendy M. Rahn

Despite the wide application of the label “populist” in the 2016 election cycle, there has been little systematic evidence that this election is distinctive in its populist appeal. Looking at historical trends, contemporary rhetoric, and public opinion data, we find that populism is an appropriate descriptor of the 2016 election and that Donald Trump stands out in particular as the populist par excellence. Historical data reveal a large “representation gap” that typically accompanies populist candidates. Content analysis of campaign speeches shows that Trump, more so than any other candidate, employs a rhetoric that is distinctive in its simplicity, anti-elitism, and collectivism. Original survey data show that Trump’s supporters are distinctive in their unique combination of anti-expertise, anti-elitism, and pronationalist sentiments. Together, these findings highlight the distinctiveness of populism as a mechanism of political mobilization and the unusual character of the 2016 race.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. p43
Author(s):  
Tina Chaney ◽  
Barbara Nell Martin

 This case study focused on the impact to DACA participants in a mid-western city enrolled at an urban school setting in a region where 30% of all residing immigrants are unauthorized (Capps & Ruiz Soto, 2016). The investigation aimed to understand if the language used during the 2016 election cycle altered trauma-related behaviors in the DACA population. The data collected during the study suggested that students who identified with the DACA group exhibited trauma-related behaviors different from behaviors previously observed, and the new behaviors were a result of election cycle rhetoric. Implications for counselor training were significant.


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