Internet Addiction: Ein Literaturüberblick

Author(s):  
Ralf Demmel

Zahlreiche Falldarstellungen sowie die Ergebnisse einer Reihe empirischer Untersuchungen lassen vermuten, dass die exzessive Nutzung von Onlinediensten mit erheblichen Beeinträchtigungen der Lebensführung einhergehen kann. In der Literatur wird oftmals auf Ähnlichkeiten zwischen der sog. <I>Internet Addiction</I> einerseits und Abhängigkeitserkrankungen oder Störungen der Impulskontrolle andererseits hingewiesen. Die Validität des Konstrukts ist jedoch umstritten. In Abhängigkeit von der jeweiligen Symptomatik können verschiedene Subtypen der Internet»sucht« beschrieben werden:<I><OL><LI>addiction to online sex, <LI>addiction to online gambling, <LI>addiction to online relationships, <LI>addiction to web cruising and e-mail checking</I> und <I><LI>addiction to multi-user dungeons.</OL></I> Zur Prävalenz der Internet»sucht« in der Allgemeinbevölkerung liegen bislang keine zuverlässigen Schätzungen vor. Verschiedene Personenmerkmale (Alter, Geschlecht, psychische Störungen etc.) sowie spezifische Merkmale der verschiedenen Onlinedienste (Anonymität, Ereignishäufigkeit etc.) scheinen das Risiko einer exzessiven und somit möglicherweise schädlichen Nutzung zu erhöhen. Die vorliegenden Daten sind widersprüchlich und erlauben lediglich vorläufige Schlussfolgerungen, da sich die Soziodemographie der Nutzer innerhalb weniger Jahre deutlich verändert hat und darüber hinaus hinsichtlich der Nutzung des World Wide Web nach wie vor erhebliche geographische Ungleichheiten vorausgesetzt werden müssen. Vor dem Hintergrund erheblicher Forschungsdefizite einerseits und zahlreicher »Schnittstellen« andererseits erscheint es naheliegend und dringend notwendig, dass die Forschung auf diesem Gebiet künftig in weitaus stärkerem Maße als bislang von den Fortschritten anderer Disziplinen profitiert. Aufgabe empirischer Forschung sollte neben der Entwicklung reliabler und valider Erhebungsinstrumente und der Durchführung aufwändiger Längsschnittstudien an repräsentativen Zufallsstichproben die Formulierung evidenz-basierter Behandlungsempfehlungen sein.

1996 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Wayne Myles

We live under the spectre of never quite getting beyond the last upgrade in our array of new electronic tools. We have become unwittingly tied to an ever-increasing set of demands to learn, relearn, and apply the latest addition to our technological inventory. The advent of e-mail has compressed communication patterns, committing us to “immediate” responses. World Wide Web home pages explode information sources, leaving us floundering for the best hypertext link to follow. Computer databases spin out reports on every imaginable aspect of our work.  How do we feel about our new status as “electronic advisors”? How is our interaction with students faring in all of this? Have we been able to secure more time for students to draw on our experience and knowledge through these labor-saving devices? What has happened to our priorities? Has quality of service to the students kept abreast with the demands of processing ever-increasing amounts of information? 


2011 ◽  
pp. 203-212
Author(s):  
Luis V. Casaló ◽  
Carlos Flavián ◽  
Miguel Guinalíu

Individuals are increasingly turning to computermediated communication in order to get information on which to base their decisions. For instance, many consumers are using newsgroups, chat rooms, forums, e-mail list servers, and other online formats to share ideas, build communities and contact other consumers who are seen as more objective information sources (Kozinets, 2002). These social groups have been traditionally called virtual communities. The virtual community concept is almost as old as the concept of Internet. However, the exponential development of these structures occurred during the nineties (Flavián & Guinalíu, 2004) due to the appearance of the World Wide Web and the spreading of other Internet tools such as e-mail or chats. The justification of this expansion is found in the advantages generated by the virtual communities to both the members and the organizations that create them.


2008 ◽  
pp. 3281-3295
Author(s):  
Larry P. Kvasny

Information and communication technologies (ICT) such as the World Wide Web, e-mail, and computers have become an integral part of America’s entertainment, communication, and information culture. Since the mid-1990s, ICT has become prevalent in middle- and upper-class American households. Companies and government agencies are increasingly offering products, services, and information online. Educational institutions are integrating ICT in their curriculum and are offering courses from a distance.


Author(s):  
Hélder Fanha Martins

Some of the very first Internet technologies to be used for learning or distance education and training were the World Wide Web and e-mail. The World Wide Web allowed multimedia or hypermedia-based instructional content to be loaded on a Web server and browsed using HTML-based browsers, and Internet-based e-mail systems allowed learners and facilitators to correspond asynchronously—anytime, anyplace. However, one of the most significant contributions of Internet-based technologies toward training and collaboration in the last few years has been the introduction of synchronous collaboration technologies. Synchronous collaboration technologies truly create a new medium that brings facilitators and participants together in a dynamic and live environment through which highly interactive communication can occur—closing down the barriers for communication and learning.


Author(s):  
Ioannis Tarnanas ◽  
Vassilios Kikis

That portion of the Internet known as the World Wide Web has been riding an exponential growth curve since 1994 (Network Wizards, 1999; Rutkowski, 1998), coinciding with the introduction of NCSA’s graphically based software interface Mosaic for “browsing” the World Wide Web (Hoffman, Novak, & Chatterjee 1995). Currently, over 43 million hosts are connected to the Internet worldwide (Network Wizards, 1999). In terms of individual users, somewhere between 40 to 80 million adults (eStats, 1999) in the United States alone have access to around 800 million unique pages of content (Lawrence & Giles, 1999), globally distributed on arguably one of the most important communication innovations in history. Yet even as the Internet races ambitiously toward critical mass, some social scientists have begun to examine carefully the policy implications of current demographic patterns of Internet access and usage (Hoffman & Novak, 1998; Hoffman, Kalsbeek, & Novak, 1996; Hoffman, Novak, & Venkatesh, 1997; Katz & Aspden, 1997; Wilhelm, 1998). Looming large is the concern that the Internet may not scale economically (Keller, 1996), leading to what Lloyd Morrisett, the former president of the Markle Foundation, has called a “digital divide” between the information “haves” and “have-nots.” For example, although almost 70% of the schools in this country have at least one computer connected to the Internet, less than 15% of classrooms have Internet access (Harmon, 1997). Not surprisingly, access is not distributed randomly, but correlated strongly with income and education (Coley, Cradler, & Engel 1997). A recent study of Internet use among college freshman (Sax, Astin, Korn, & Mahoney 1998) found that nearly 83% of all new college students report using the Internet for school work, and almost two-thirds use e-mail to communicate. Yet, closer examination suggests a disturbing disparity in access. While 90.2% of private college freshman use the Internet for research, only 77.6% of students entering public black colleges report doing so. Similarly, although 80.1% of private college freshman use e-mail regularly, only 41.4% of students attending black public colleges do. Further, although numerous studies (e.g., CyberAtlas, 1999; Maraganore & Morrisette, 1998) suggest that the gender gap in Internet use appears to be closing over time and that Internet users are increasingly coming from the ranks of those with lower education and income (Pew Research Center, 1998), the perception persists that the gap for race is not decreasing (Abrams, 1997). We now raise a series of points for further discussion. We believe these issues represent the most pressing unanswered questions concerning access and the impact of the digital divide on the emerging digital economy. This article is intended to stimulate discussion among scholars and policymakers interested in how differences in Internet access and use among different segments in our society affect their ability to participate and reap the rewards of that participation in the emerging digital economy. In summary, we have reviewed the most recent research investigating the relationship of race to Internet access and usage over time. Our objective is twofold: (1) to stimulate an informed discussion among scholars and policymakers interested in the issue of diversity on the Internet, and 2) to propose a research agenda that can address the many questions raised by this and related research.


Author(s):  
Lynette Kvasny ◽  
Fay Cobb Payton

Information and communication technologies (ICT) such as the World Wide Web, e-mail, and computers have become an integral part of America’s entertainment, communication, and information culture. Since the mid-1990s, ICT has become prevalent in middle- and upper-class American households. Companies and government agencies are increasingly offering products, services, and information online. Educational institutions are integrating ICT in their curriculum and are offering courses from a distance.


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