Liberal Government and Politics, 1905–15

Author(s):  
Ian Packer
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 002218562110082
Author(s):  
Eugene Schofield-Georgeson

In 2020, the Federal Morrison Liberal Government scrambled to respond to the effects of the international coronavirus pandemic on the Australian labour market in two key ways. First, through largescale social welfare and economic stimulus (the ‘JobKeeper’ scheme) and second, through significant proposed reform to employment laws as part of a pandemic recovery package (the ‘Omnibus Bill’). Where the first measure was administered by employers, the second was largely designed to suspend and/or redefine labour protections in the interests of employers. In this respect, the message from the Federal Government was clear: that the costs of pandemic recovery should be borne by workers at the discretion of employers. State Labor Governments, by contrast, enacted a range of industrial protections. These included the first Australia ‘wage theft’ or underpayment frameworks on behalf of both employees and contractors in the construction industry. On-trend with state industrial legislation over the past 4 years, these state governments continued to introduce industrial manslaughter offences, increased access to workers’ compensation, labour hire licensing schemes and portable long service leave.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavla Miller

AbstractIn a period of welfare state retrenchment, Australia's neo-liberal government is continuing to implement an expensive National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). Australia is among the pioneers of welfare measures funded from general revenue. Until recently, however, attempts to establish national schemes of social insurance have failed. The paper reviews this history through the lenses of path dependence accounts. It then presents contrasting descriptions of the NDIS by its Chair, the politician who inspired him, and two feminist policy analysts from a carers’ organisation. Path dependence, these accounts illustrate, has been broken in some respects but consolidated in others. In particular, the dynamics of ‘managed’ capitalist markets, gendered notions of abstract individuals and organisations, and the related difficulties in accounting for unpaid labour are constraining the transformative potential of the NDIS.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026327642199945
Author(s):  
William Davies

Liberal government, as analysed by Foucault, is a project of measured, utilitarian political activity, that takes ‘population’ as its object, dating back to the late 17th century. The rise of nationalism, authoritarianism and populism directly challenges this project, by seeking to re-introduce excessive, gratuitous and performative modes of power back into liberal societies. This article examines the relationship and tensions between government and sovereignty, so as to make sense of this apparent ‘revenge of sovereignty on government’. It argues that neoliberalism has been a crucial factor in the return of sovereignty as a ‘problem’ of contemporary societies. Neoliberalism tacitly generates new centres of sovereign power, which have become publicly visible since 2008, leading to a dramatic resurgence of discourses and claims to ‘sovereignty’.


2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-149
Author(s):  
Fernando R. Tesón

AbstractScholars have debated the meaning of the foreign-relations clauses in the U.S. Constitution. This essay attempts to outline the foreign-relations clauses that an ideal constitution should have. A liberal constitution must enable the government to implement a morally defensible foreign policy. The first priority is the defense of liberty. The constitution must allow the government to effectively defend persons, territory, and liberal institutions themselves. The liberal government should also contribute to the advancement of global freedom, subject to a number of conditions, especially cost. The essay recommends improved methods to incorporate treaties and customary international law into the constitutional structure. Treaties should be approved by the whole legislature and should generally be self-executing. Customary law should be genuine, not fake, and consistent with liberal principles. Finally, based on economic theory and evidence, the essay recommends that liberal constitutions prohibit the government from erecting trade barriers. It concludes by tentatively proposing concrete constitutional language to implement these recommendations.


1963 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 29-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. M. Cumpston

Gladstone came to office for his second ministry in May 1880, after fight marked by bitter strife and uncompromising temper on both sides. The Times considered it the hottest political struggle ever known in this country. The Liberal Government with their large majority came into office in a mood of concentration on domestic legislation and the belief that external affairs had hitherto received too much attention. The Conservatives for their part claimed that, if a minority, they were compact and inspirited. The Opposition, although weak, would be resolute.


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. E. Chamberlain

“There's Dilke that has done it all”, remarked Wilfrid Scawen Blunt to Lord Blandford as they watched Dilke walk down Piccadilly one day in July 1882.1 The “it” was the British intervention in Egypt which entangled Britain in Egyptian affairs for two generations. More soberly, Louis Mallet, the Permanent Under-Secretary at the India Office, wrote to Evelyn Baring a year later that the Liberal government of William Gladstone had made themselves “the unconscious, and some of them (not all) the unwilling instruments of a policy from which Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury would have shrunk, and which is big with future disaster”. “Dilke and Chamberlain” he wrote, “I consider mainly responsible for the Egyptian war.” In The Trouble Makers, A. J. P. Taylor came to the conclusion, “The occupation of Egypt in 1882 marked Gladstone's decisive breach with Radicalism. Indeed it ruined Radicalism for more than a generation. It began modern British Imperialism…”. How ironic if the ruin of British radicalism was brought about by the two leading radicals of Gladstone's predominantly Whig administration. What do the Dilke and Chamberlain papers among others reveal about the exact role of the two men in the crisis ?


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Ingrid Sverdlick ◽  
Analía Motos

The article presented for this dossier includes an analysis and reflections based on the study: “Training policies and practices for the conduction of state educational institutions at the kindergarten, primary and secondary levels”. This is a research that has been carried out since 2017 in IV Educational Region in Buenos Aires Province (corresponding to Quilmes, Berazategui and Florencio Varela districts), within the framework of the Arturo Jauretche National University, on the policies for the training of directors and their link with school conduction from a historical, political, institutional and experiential perspective. From our point of view, topics concerning school leading, in the sense of school conduction, have long been discussed and recognized as matters of great importance both at the level of school operations and in terms of the application and implementation of educational policies. During the 1990s, the concern for the conduction and administration of education in our country was expressed in a debate that was dominated by the economic tone that is characteristic of neo-liberal policies and their education reform programs. These conceptions, located within a framework of efficiency, administration, and the market, emphasized aspects associated with the ideas of management, and were highly criticized both at that time and subsequently, when educational policy was assumed to be based on the idea of a state guaranteeing the right to education. At the turn of the century (2005-2015), the focus of the issue was placed on school directors as educational conductors and pedagogical agents of institutions, emphasizing the ethical and political responsibility that the managerial function entails. Since the assumption of a new neo-liberal government (2015 and onwards), public policies guaranteeing rights, which were characteristic of the previous period, have been brutally discontinued and the ideas of neo-liberalism have been recovered, introducing some novelties, both in discursive terms, such as the emphasis on emprendedurismo (an incorrect translation of the English term “entrepreneurship”), and in relation to the forms of privatization of teacher training for school authorities with public funds. The different conceptions of the role and function of school conduction undoubtedly refer to a framework of education policy meaning, contextualized in time and space; they also involve different ways of considering the training and qualification of those who occupy or will occupy school authority positions. In this article we will present an analysis of the political and pedagogical meanings displayed at the discursive level of education and training offerings aimed to school conduction teams and also, as a counterpoint, an analytical approach to the discursive and experiential constructions of school directors in their daily realities.


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