The Long-term Implications of the Euro Crisis for European Integration

Author(s):  
Francesco Nicoli ◽  
Fabian Zuleeg
Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.


2020 ◽  
pp. 182-200
Author(s):  
Bo Stråth

This chapter outlines changing relationships between Scandinavia and Europe. The Scandinavian ‘isolationist’ approach to Europe after the Napoleonic wars shifted to more active integrationist policies in the 1920s, with the arrival of left governments and the acceptance of the League of Nations; a new isolationist trend (‘neutrality’) set in after 1933. Against the backdrop of this long-term pattern, the focus is on shifting Scandinavian attitudes to the project of European integration and on attempts to be both within and outside Europe. Before and after the Danish entry into the EU in 1973, tensions between different approaches and between the countries concerned have been evident. The Cold War was a major factor, and its end reinforced the pro-integration approach. More recently, problems with the euro and the refugee crisis have provoked more ambiguous responses, but less so in Finland than in the Scandinavian countries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (7) ◽  
pp. 1010-1034 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Jones ◽  
R. Daniel Kelemen ◽  
Sophie Meunier

2019 ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Hanna Pashkova

The article investigates the phenomenon of corruption as a systemic possibility of forbidden actions and violation of established norms in public administration. Corruption is drawn here as a dangerous social and political phenomenon that emerges as one of the key threats and impediments to the successful development and reconstruction of a country on the way of its European integration. It emerges due to such reasons as blurred authority, insufficient publicity and transparency of the public institution and its’ representatives activity, low index of accountability, which leads to the emergence of personal incentives for officials and, above all, the absence of penalties for violations of rules. Accordingly, the fight against corruption and the public perception of this phenomenon should now be based on regular assessments of the situation in the regions. And national and local strategies to reduce the perception of corruption by the population of the country should be targeted for the long term. Such activities should be based today on the clear principles that define the limits of anti-corruption policy on the central level. Therefore, adherence to these principles can serve as a measure of the efficiency of the state’s anti-corruption policy. The prerequisites for the emergence and progression of this phenomenon on the territory of Ukraine have been determined in the article. The following principles include: political will; financial stability; public awareness raising; assessing the context and local conditions; engaging facilitators; problem identification, risk assessment and stakeholders identification; good governance; complex goal setting; a display of trust and stakeholder engagement; message creation and directing; motivating stakeholders and their expectations framing.


2012 ◽  
pp. 437-453
Author(s):  
Miroslav Jovanovic ◽  
Isidora Ljumovic

The Eurozone is the crown jewel in the process of European integration. Since this monetary integration is a predominantly political process, it neglected certain economic fundamentals for the long term durability (federal-type intra-group transfer of funds). The internal troubles of the Eurozone (lack of respect of rules) were amplified by the global credit crunch. There are worries about the promises given to the citizens about the stability of the Eurozone and economic progress when the zone was introduced. So much political and economic capital has been invested in the Eurozone that its demise is unconceivable for the time being. If the participants believe that it is a beneficial deal it will continue its existence, but several federal-type amendments are necessary. Otherwise, it may join a series of monetary zones in Europe that disintegrated. Even though the Eurozone burdens some of its member countries with high costs, the break-up of or from the Eurozone would be even worse.


IG ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-96
Author(s):  
Christian Freudlsperger ◽  
Markus Jachtenfuchs

Did the Covid-19 crisis prompt a turn in German EU policy? Investigating the long-term development of German preferences on the European integration of core state powers, we find striking continuity. German governments persistently seek to minimise their costs from and maximise their control over integration. Consequently, they back supranational capacity-building primarily as a last resort in existential systemic crises. The Corona recovery fund, which is temporary and placed under intergovernmental control, is in line with this general long-term preference and does little to alleviate the structural flaws of the Euro area.


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