Three-year-olds understand communicative intentions without language, gestures, or gaze

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Moore ◽  
Kristin Liebal ◽  
Michael Tomasello

The communicative interactions of very young children almost always involve language (based on conventions), gesture (based on bodily deixis or iconicity) and directed gaze. In this study, ninety-six children (3;0 years) were asked to determine the location of a hidden toy by understanding a communicative act that contained none of these familiar means. A light-and-sound mechanism placed behind the hiding place and illuminated by a centrally placed switch was used to indicate the location of the toy. After a communicative training session, an experimenter pressed the switch either deliberately or accidentally, and with or without ostension (in the form of eye contact and child-directed speech). In no condition did she orient towards the hiding place. When the switch was pressed intentionally, children used the light-and-sound cue to find the toy – and tended to do so even in the absence of ostensive eye contact. When the experimenter pressed the switch accidentally, children searched randomly – demonstrating that they were tracking her communicative intent, and not merely choosing on the basis of salience. The absence of an effect of ostension contradicts research that ostension helps children to interpret the communicative intentions underlying unfamiliar signs. We explain this by concluding that while it may play a role in establishing a communicative interaction, it is not necessary for sustaining one; and that even with a highly novel communicative act – involving none of the means of communication on which children typically rely – three-year-olds can comprehend the communicative intentions behind an intentionally produced act.

1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Parimala Raghavendra ◽  
Macalyne Fristoe

The present investigation studied the effects of enhancements on the learning, retention, transfer to the unlearned form, and use of Blissymbols in 40 normal 3-year-old children. The subjects, seen individually, learned either 12 standard Blissymbols (SBS) or the same 12 symbols in the enhanced form (EBS). The symbols were introduced with short explanations. The number of trials taken to reach >90% correct identification, the number of symbols selected appropriately to complete a communicative act, the number of symbols correctly identified a week after the acquisition phase was completed, and the number of symbols correctly identified in the untrained form of Blissymbols were determined. The results demonstrated that the subjects learned EBS faster than SBS, remembered more EBS than SBS in the retention task, did not differ in the communicative use of SBS and EBS, and were affected more negatively when presented with SBS than EBS in a task where the untrained form was presented. The results are discussed in terms of how very young children might benefit more from an illustration system such as EBS than from an orthographic system such as SBS.


Perception ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 635-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irvin Rock ◽  
Alison Gopnik ◽  
Susannah Hall

Most adult observers tend not to reverse ambiguous figures if they are not informed about the ambiguity of the figure. The question was asked whether very young children who have rarely, if ever, seen any kinds of ambiguous figures will reverse if uninformed, and also how they will behave if they are informed. It was found that 3 and 4 year olds never reverse when presented with two different kinds of ambiguous figures when uninformed, and only some do even when informed; further, those that do reverse do so only once or twice over a 60 s inspection period. These results are interpreted as further confirmation of an earlier finding with adults—that reversal is not simply a matter of prolonged inspection of an ambiguous figure leading automatically to neural satiation. Instead, cognitive factors such as utilization of memory and intention are implicated.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yael Darr

Since the 1990s, a new type of Holocaust story has been emerging in Israeli children's literature. This new narrative is directed towards very young children, from preschool to the first years of elementary school, and its official goal is to instil in them an authentic ‘first Holocaust memory’. This essay presents the literary characteristics of this new Holocaust narrative for children and its master narrative. It brings into light a new profile of both writers and readers. The writers were young children during the Holocaust, and first chose to tell their stories from the safe distance of three generations. The readers are their grand-children and their grand-children's peers, who are assigned an essential role as listeners. These generational roles – the roles of a First Generation of writers and of a Third Generation of readers – are intrinsically familial ones. As such, they mark a significant change in the profile of yet another important figure in the Israeli intergenerational Holocaust discourse, the agent of the Holocaust story for children. Due to the new literary initiatives, the task of providing young children with a ‘first Holocaust memory’ is transferred from the educational authority, where it used to reside, to the domestic sphere.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Emile J Hendriks ◽  
Ross L Ewen ◽  
Yoke Sin Hoh ◽  
Nazia Bhatti ◽  
Rachel M Williams ◽  
...  

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