“You are not normal, you are against nature”

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-179
Author(s):  
Marianna Patrona

Abstract This paper examines the media representations of scandalous parliamentary talk on same-sex child fostering in the discourses of representatives of the radical-right Golden Dawn party in Greece, but also by an MP of the conservative ANEL party of the SYRIZA-ANEL joint government at the time. Through discourse- and conversation analysis of online articles and a broadcast interview, it is shown that the media framing of populist statements is negotiated. Moreover, the interview enacts a subtly achieved interactional synergy between the interviewer and the politician, thus failing to address the issues through substantive public dialogue. It is argued that the process of (re)mediating racist or homophobic talk has the potential to serve as a publicity tool creating increased visibility for right-wing populist politicians, their core ideologies and policy platforms. This creates a challenge for practitioners of journalism who must balance disparate concerns in reporting on scandalous talk.

Author(s):  
Antonis A. Ellinas

The way the media relate to radical right-wing actors remains one of the least studied areas in the literature on the radical right. This chapter examines how the media affect the demand for and the supply of right-wing radicalism. The media can affect political demand by setting the agenda on or framing key issues such as immigration and crime, helping legitimize a political space in which the radical right can thrive. On the supply side, media access and exposure are a political resource that can help outsiders enter the political game and provide validation, momentum, and legitimacy. Media effects depend on availability of political opportunities, developmental phase of the radical actor, type of coverage, and type of medium. Future work can use experimental methods to probe individual-level links between media cues and voter or activist preferences, and to examine media regulations, especially of newer media.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Fita Fathurokhmah

This article wants to examine how the media ideology about the concept of radicalism in Islam in the mass media of Republika and Koran Tempo. The Republika newspaper supports and agrees to the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) both with an understanding of the prohibition of homosexuality and the appointment of news of FPI's violence against homosexuals. The Tempo newspaper is more about renewing ideas such as reporting on the views of the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) in respect of homosexuals. Homosexuality is the same sex lover or the choice of sexuality abnormalities is normal as a human being, it does not need to be criticized but must be respected as individual freedom. There is a fundamental ideological difference between Republika and Koran Tempo by renewing the concept of homosexuality with thinking radicalism on the basis of Islamic teachings. The homosexual issue, FPI applies the meaning of Islamic radicalism from the right-wing side which promotes violence as resistance, while JIL applies the meaning of radicalism from the left-wing side which prioritizes the radicalism of thought and law in the Koran.  AbstrakArtikel ini ingin mengkaji bagaimana ideologi media tentang konsep radikalisme dalam Islam di media massa Republika dan Koran Tempo. Surat kabar Republika mendukung dan setuju pada Front Pembela Islam (FPI) baik dengan pemahaman pelarangan homoseksual dan pengangkatan berita tindak kekerasan FPI melawan homoseksual. Koran Tempo lebih pada pembaharuan pemikiran seperti pemberitaan pandangan Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) terkait menghormatinya kaum homoseksual. Homoseksual adalah penyuka sesama jenis atau pilihan kelainan seksualitas itu normal sebagai manusia, tidak perlu dicela tapi harus dihargai sebagai kebebasan individu. Terdapat perbedaan ideologi yang mendasar antara Republika dan Koran Tempo dengan melakukan pembaharuan konsep homoseksual dengan radikalisme berpikir dengan pijakan ajaran Islam. Persoalan homoseksual, FPI menerapkan makna radikalisme Islam dari sisi sayap kanan yang mengedepankan kekerasan sebagai perlawanan, sedangkan JIL menerapkan makna radikalisme dari sisi sayap kiri yang mengutamakan keradikalan pemikiran dan hukum dalam al-Quran.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léonie de Jonge

Although most scholars acknowledge that the media play an instrumental role in furthering or limiting the spread of populism, the exact nature of the relationship between right-wing populist parties (RWPPs) and the media remains poorly understood. This article analyzes the various ways in which the media choose to deal with RWPPs in the Benelux region (i.e., Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg). Using evidence from interviews with media practitioners ( n = 46), the findings suggest that in the absence of a credible right-wing populist challenger, media practitioners in Luxembourg and Wallonia adhere to strict demarcation, whereas the Dutch and Flemish media have become gradually more accommodative to RWPPs. This study makes two contributions to the field. First, it systematically theorizes the different ways in which the media can approach the populist radical right. Second, it provides illustrative, comparative evidence about the rationale for why some media provide space for RWPPs while others deny it, thereby illuminating the under-researched topic of societal responses to the populist radical right.


Sociology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (6) ◽  
pp. 1005-1025 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel McArthur ◽  
Aaron Reeves

Recessions appear to coincide with an increasingly stigmatising presentation of poverty in parts of the media. Previous research on the connection between high unemployment and media discourse has often relied on case studies of periods when stigmatising rhetoric about the poor was increasing. We build on earlier work on how economic context affects media representations of poverty by creating a unique dataset that measures how often stigmatising descriptions of the poor are used in five centrist and right-wing British newspapers between 1896 and 2000. Our results suggest stigmatising rhetoric about the poor increases when unemployment rises, except at the peak of very deep recessions (e.g. the 1930s and 1980s). This pattern is consistent with the idea that newspapers deploy deeply embedded Malthusian explanations for poverty when those ideas resonate with the economic context, and so this stigmatising rhetoric of recessions is likely to recur during future economic crises.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 254-266
Author(s):  
Julius Abioye Adeyemo ◽  
Olugbenga Elegbe

There has been a scholarly argument among media researchers on how best media analysts should study media perspectives on industrial crisis reporting with reference to research methods, theoretical perspectives and methods of data analysis. Content analysis and meta-analytical approach were employed to gather data from published scholarly articles and theses accessed online. One hundred and fifteen (115) studies were content analyzed, collated and identified based on those that focused their issues on media framing of labour crisis. Evidence from the studies analysed shows that the content analysis and in-depth interviews were predominantly adopted for media representations of industrial crisis, the mixed method research were adopted for data collection while media framing, agenda setting and the priming theories were mostly adopted by most of the studies. It is recommended that studies should employ critical discourse analysis to compliment researchers’ effort to examine how different ideological stances are mediated in the media to reflect social-political dominance, inequality and class struggle that characterize industrial crisis. Keywords: Industrial crisis reporting, Media framing, Research trends, Discourse analysis, Nigeria


2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew P. Winslow ◽  
Rexéna Napier

Third-person perception (TPP) refers to the belief that others are more influenced by the media than you yourself are. This theory was extended to people’s perceptions of the effects of legalizing same-sex marriage (SSM). It was predicted that people might believe that legalizing SSM would affect others’ marriages, but not their own. It was also predicted that high right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) would display TPP more than low RWAs. Participants (135 undergraduate heterosexual students) estimated the effect of legalizing SSM on their own as well as other people’s attitudes about marriage and sexuality. Results indicated that participants displayed TPP. The hypothesis about a link between RWA and TPP was supported. Implications of these findings and future research directions are discussed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Léonie de Jonge

Abstract Why are populist radical right parties (PRRPs) more successful in some countries than in others? This question is analysed here by focusing on Belgium. While Flanders (the northern, Dutch-speaking part of Belgium) was home to one of the strongest far-right movements in Europe, Wallonia (the southern, francophone part) has remained ‘immune’ to such tendencies. The article argues that different historical experiences have given rise to a hostile political environment for PRRPs in Wallonia, where mainstream parties and the media have created a successful cordon sanitaire. In Flanders, mainstream parties and the media have gradually become more accommodative towards PRRPs. By emphasizing the sociopolitical context in which parties operate, the findings suggest that the reactions of mainstream parties and the media are crucial to understanding the success of PRRPs. The conclusion reflects on potential lessons to be drawn from the Belgian case for mainstream parties and media practitioners elsewhere.


Sexualities ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 212-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Maree

Representations of gender and sexuality in mainstream media operate to both shape the contours of, and contest the limits to, sexual citizenship. The ‘citational practices’ of media representations mould contemporary understandings of these limits. In this article, the author examines mainstream and social media reports of two separate same-sex wedding ceremonies in Japan; the first at a queer community event in 2007 and the second at a major theme park in 2013. Through citations and quotations, a multitude of voices are embedded in the media texts. In the 2007 case, increased media visibility is mitigated by citational practices that clearly mark the same-sex wedding as devoid of legal standing. Whereas media reports situate the 2013 ceremony in the context of marriage equality trends internationally, an instance of possible discrimination is emphasised as being a ‘misunderstanding’. Similarly, a microanalysis of a light news documentary of the ceremony uncovers citational practices that highlight the importance of ‘forgiveness’ or ‘tolerance’ for ‘mutual coexistence’ in society. Furthermore, the reporting confines the ceremony to a ‘fairytale’-like ‘foreign’ domain. The process of ‘othering’ issues of sexual citizenship is linked to a cyclical process since the 1950s wherein representations of queerness are posited as ‘new’ forms of being in Japan. Discourse surrounding sexual citizenship is thereby projected into a non-domestic, non-specific future time.


Author(s):  
Fernando Relinque-Medina ◽  
Manuela Ángela Fernández-Borrero ◽  
Octavio Vázquez-Aguado

The reality of migration is a global challenge to today’s societies, posing social, economic and political challenges. In recent years, a politicisation of these issues is being observed, leading to “anti-immigrant” political discourses and the defence of ethnocentric and assimilationist values. This has led to an increase in support for populist radical right political formations, which was reflected in Spain in the last elections with the irruption of VOX in April 2019, increasing their support in November 2019. Faced with this situation, the media, networks and social researchers have linked the presence of the foreign population with this fact, studying the population dynamics and segregation in their influence on the vote for right-wing parties. This paper aims to understand this type of relationship in the Autonomous Community of Andalusia, doing so from a municipal territorial approach and broken down by census tracts.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Reeves ◽  
Daniel McArthur

Recessions appear to coincide with an increasingly stigmatising presentation of poverty in parts of the media. Previous research on the connection between high unemployment and media discourse has often relied on case studies of periods when stigmatising rhetoric about the poor was increasing. We build on earlier work on how economic context affects media representations of poverty by creating a unique dataset that measures how often stigmatising descriptions of the poor are used in five centrist and right-wing British newspapers between 1896 and 2000. Our results suggest stigmatising rhetoric about the poor increases when unemployment rises, except at the peak of very deep recessions (e.g. the 1930s and 1980s). This pattern is consistent with the idea that newspapers deploy deeply embedded Malthusian explanations for poverty when those ideas resonate with the economic context, and so this stigmatising rhetoric of recessions is likely to recur during future economic crises.


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