On the left periphery of three languages of Northern Italy

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-117
Author(s):  
Federica Cognola
Keyword(s):  
Northern Italy ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Simple Description ◽  
Functional Projection ◽  
Technical Sense ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Pragmatic Interpretation ◽  
Interrogative Clauses ◽  
Finite Verb

Abstract Through a focus on the properties of subject-finite verb inversion and XP fronting in three relaxed V2 languages, namely Cimbrian, Ladin and Mòcheno, this paper aims to widen and refine our understanding of relaxed V2 languages, i.e. languages in which the V2 property should be understood in a technical sense as obligatory V-to-C movement, not as a simple description referring to linearisation (Benincà 2006, 2013; Ledgeway 2016). It will be shown that inversion differs across relaxed V2 languages in two ways. In a first subtype, inversion is not associated with any marked pragmatic interpretation of the lexical subject and the subject appears in an A position in the IP area: this type is instantiated by Old Italian (Benincà 2006, Poletto 2014). A second option, instantiated by the languages considered in this paper, is that the lexical subject receives a pragmatically marked interpretation which is encoded in a Functional Projection (FP) in the vP periphery (Belletti 2004, Poletto 2006). This paper confirms that V3/V4 word orders involve the presence of a double articulation for foci and wh-elements, which appear in different positions in the CP layer in relaxed V2 languages (Poletto 2002, Wolfe 2015 a,b). It also contributes to our understanding of the syntax of topics in relaxed V2 languages by showing that (i) topics can be moved to CP and (ii) the movement option is not restricted to main clauses lacking an XP in the left periphery; it also occurs in interrogative clauses (unlike in the relaxed V2 varieties considered in Walkden 2014, 2015).

scholarly journals The syntax of the addressee in imperatives: What Levantine Arabic attitude datives bring to the table

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Youssef A. Haddad
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Second Person ◽  
Independent Evidence ◽  
Functional Projection ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Levantine Arabic ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Syntactic Status ◽  
Imperative Subject ◽  
Special Category

The imperative subject constitutes a special category compared to the subjects of other types of clauses in that it is required to be the addressee. Zanuttini (2008) argues that this requirement follows from a special syntactic status: imperative subjects enter the computation with gender and number but no person features. They acquire a second-person specification later by entering an agreement relation with the head of a jussive phrase, a functional projection that is unique for imperative clauses and that occupies the left periphery. This paper provides independent evidence from attitude dative constructions in Levantine Arabic in support of this approach. Attitude datives are optional pronominal elements that make pragmatic contributions to utterances without altering their meaning. The paper shows that attitude datives whose referent coincides with the referent of the subject are less restricted in terms of the interpretation they may receive in imperative versus other types of clauses. Imperative clauses are more permissive, a characteristic that follows from the special status of their subject.

On the Subject of Negative Auxiliary Inversion

2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Blanchette ◽  
Chris Collins
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Negative Polarity ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Negative Concord ◽  
Double Negation ◽  
Polarity Items ◽  
West Texas ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Scope Freezing

AbstractThis article presents a novel analysis ofNegative Auxiliary Inversion(NAI) constructions such asdidn't many people eat, in which a negated auxiliary appears in pre-subject position. NAI, found in varieties including Appalachian, African American, and West Texas English, has a word order identical to a yes/no question, but is pronounced and interpreted as a declarative. We propose that NAI subjects are negative DPs, and that the negation raises from the subject DP to adjoin to Fin (a functional head in the left periphery). Three properties of NAI motivate this analysis: (i) scope freezing effects, (ii) the various possible and impossible NAI subject types, and (iii) the incompatibility of NAI constructions with true Double-Negation interpretations. Implications for theories of Negative Concord, Negative Polarity Items, and the representation of negation are discussed.

“Subject” clitics and particles in Provençal

Probus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-215
Author(s):  
Paola Benincà
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Peculiar Behaviour ◽  
Subject Clitics ◽  
Interrogative Clauses ◽  
Italian Dialects ◽  
Theoretical Side

Abstract Several Occitan dialects spoken in Western Piedmont exhibit no 1sg subject clitic form (a situation widely attested in Northern Italian dialects), although interrogative clauses with a 1sg subject feature an enclitic particle ke, identical to the complementiser. Many attempts have been made to interpret this ke as a reflex of Lat. E(G)O ‘I’ or originating from the reanalysis of the analogical -k displayed by verbs such as dik ‘I say’. Rather, I claim that ke is what it seems, namely the complementiser, and entertain the hypothesis that in these varieties the complementiser ended up satisfying EPP-like features. To support this analysis, I examine data from a wider area including Provençal, Gascon and Ibero-Romance dialects in which the complementiser is used as a proclitic particle in assertive clauses (Etxepare 2010 a.o.). On the theoretical side, I submit the hypothesis that the peculiar behaviour of the complementiser ke in that area has to do with the checking of a ‘speaker’ feature in the left periphery of the clause.

Punctual time adverbials in Italian

2020 ◽  
pp. 38-52
Author(s):  
Valentina Bianchi
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Analysis ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Intervention Effect ◽  
Reference Time ◽  
Functional Projection ◽  
Event Time ◽  
Compositional Semantic ◽  
Syntactic Position ◽  
The Subject

In past and future perfect sentences, punctual time adverbials like at five o’clock can specify either the Event Time or the Reference Time. In Italian, their interpretation is affected by syntactic position: a clause-peripheral adverbial allows for both interpretations, while a clause-internal adverbial only has the E-interpretation. Moreover, for clause-peripheral adverbials the presence of the adverb già (already) blocks the E-interpretation. It is shown that this pattern can be accounted for under a smuggling analysis, in which (i) the adverbial is merged as a DP in a functional projection intervening between T and the subject in the edge of v/VP, thus blocking Agree between them; (ii) smuggling of v/VP past the adverbial solves the intervention effect; and (iii) an E-adverbial originates in a projection below già (already), while an R-adverbial originates in a projection above it. A compositional semantic analysis is provided for the proposed syntactic structure.

Issues in the left periphery of Old French and Old English

2021 ◽  
pp. 248-274
Author(s):  
Ans van Kemenade ◽  
Christine Meklenborg
Keyword(s):  
Old English ◽  
Hybrid System ◽  
Old French ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Finite Verb

Topicalization in Old English and Old French is a poorly studied field. This chapter aims to identify and compare their different strategies for topicalization. We find that both Old English and Old French have evidence for high and low topics, which we argue are Hanging Topics and Left Dislocated Topics. In the case of Old English, we find evidence that both kinds of topics have been derived by movement into the left periphery. Old French displays a hybrid system where Hanging Topics have been base generated, while Left Dislocated Topics have been moved. Applying a Force-Fin-V2 analysis, we find that even in a Force-V2 language there may be Left Dislocated Topics. We propose that the Force-Fin-V2 model be refined, so that moved Left Dislocated Topics block further movement of the finite verb to Force, so that even in a Force-V2 language, the finite verb will be in Fin in the presence of moved Left Dislocated Topics.

Some remarks on subject positions and the architecture of the left periphery in Spanish

2010 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernhard Pöll
Keyword(s):  
Simple Rule ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Subject Field ◽  
Subject Positions ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Landing Sites ◽  
The Subject

AbstractThis article reexamines the puzzling issue of where subjects, lexical and null, are located in Spanish and offers a novel explanation for the incompatibility of preverbal lexical subjects with fronted focussed constituents. Both SpecIP and the left periphery appear to be potential landing sites for subjects, according to discourse-pragmatic factors. Assuming that pro is a clitic, it is argued that the aforementioned incompatibility can be captured by a simple rule: SpecIP must be empty for focus fronting to occur. This is the case with pro, which adjoins to Infl, or with postverbal subjects since they remain in SpecVP. From this analysis it follows that: 1) the subject field in Spanish is less articulated than is generally assumed, 2) the differences between Spanish and other null subject languages with respect to the availability of preverbal subjets can be reduced to this rule and a different ordering of focus and topic phrases, and 3) it is unnecessary to posit two different topic positions.

On the role of input for children’s early production of bare infinitives in German and French

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-90
Author(s):  
Sabine Laaha ◽  
Dominique Bassano
Keyword(s):  
Developmental Phase ◽  
Lexical Effects ◽  
Verb Forms ◽  
Verb Constructions ◽  
Early Production ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Input Variables ◽  
Early Developmental ◽  
Finite Verb

The “optional infinitive” phenomenon, i.e. the existence of an early developmental phase in which children show a strong preference for using bare non-finite verb forms, has been the subject of many studies and much controversy. The aim of this study is to assess the role of distributional characteristics of the input for children’s early production of bare infinitives in two languages, German and French. For this purpose, three different input variables are investigated: the frequency, informativeness and salience of infinitives in child-directed speech. Results show that salience is the best predictor for the distribution of bare infinitives in the very early phase of development. Furthermore, lexical effects of individual verb forms on the patterning of bare infinitives in child speech are found which further support the constructivist idea that bare infinitives reflect the child’s learning of verb forms from compound finite verb constructions in the input.

scholarly journals A Simple Introduction to Gröbner Basis Methods in String Phenomenology

2011 ◽  
Vol 2011 ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Gray
Keyword(s):  
Algebraic Geometry ◽  
Gröbner Basis ◽  
Grobner Basis ◽  
Simple Description ◽  
Computational Algebraic Geometry ◽  
String Phenomenology ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Electroweak Sector ◽  
String Models ◽  
Vacuum Space

I give an elementary introduction to the key algorithm used in recent applications of computational algebraic geometry to the subject of string phenomenology. I begin with a simple description of the algorithm itself and then give 3 examples of its use in physics. I describe how it can be used to obtain constraints on flux parameters, how it can simplify the equations describing vacua in 4D string models, and lastly how it can be used to compute the vacuum space of the electroweak sector of the MSSM.

Reconsidering the 'Modal Particles' in Modern Greek

2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastasios Tsangalidis ◽  
Anna Roussou
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Syntactic Category ◽  
Modal Particles ◽  
Modern Greek ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Future Subjunctive ◽  
Syntactic Status ◽  
Diachronic Development ◽  
Finite Verb

AbstractIn the present paper we consider the elements na, a and as, which combine with the finite verb and give rise to a variety of modal readings, such as future, subjunctive, etc. On the basis of their distributional similarities and differences, we argue that the elements under consideration are situated in the left periphery and fall into two categories: a and as have a verbal property, while na has a locative one which also underlies its deictic use. This approach allows us to get a better understanding of their current syntactic status, and also has certain implications regarding their diachronic development (e.g. 'grammaticalization'). Our analysis is consistent with the view that there is no syntactic category 'particle' (Zwicky 1985).

scholarly journals Little pro’s, but how many of them? – On 3SG null pronominals in Hungarian

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 61-73
Author(s):  
Gréte Dalmi
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Functional Projection ◽  
Free Variation

While Hungarian 3SG individual reference null pronominals are in free variation with their lexical counterparts, 3SG generic reference null pronominals do not show such variation. This follows from the fact that Hungarian 3SG generic null pronominals behave like bound variables, i.e. they always require a 3SG generic lexical antecedent in an adjacent clause. Both the 3SG generic lexical antecedent and the 3SG generic null pronominal must be in the scope of the GN operator, which is seated in SpeechActParticipantPhrase (SAPP), the leftmost functional projection of the left periphery in the sentence (see Alexiadou & D’Alessandro, 2003; Bianchi, 2006). GN binds all occurrences of the generic variable in accessible worlds (see Moltmann 2006 for English one/oneself). These properties distinguish Hungarian from the four major types of Null Subject Languages identified by Roberts & Holmberg (2010).

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