Tribal order and the state: the political organization of Boir Ahmad

1978 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 145-171
Author(s):  
Reinhold Loeffler
1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Friesen

Historically human societies have never collectively organized, politically or socially, in any singular, standardized and/or universal way. Beginning with the Peace of Westphalia in 1647 the nation-state gradually proliferated as a legitimate manifestation of collective human organization at a global level. This proliferation has culminated in the standardization of a singular means of mobilizing and organizing human societies. The statist age that began in the 16th and 17th centuries consolidated and centralized the political power of the state. Divergent factions and regional power blocks within European states were discouraged, as politics became centralized at the national level. The proliferation of the nation-state represented the standardization of human political organization according to a single model. Given that there are, and have been, a variety of means by which humans identify and organize politically, this suggests that this universal acceptance and entrenchment of one model may be somewhat inappropriate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-427
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Thornberry

AbstractIn 1881, Andrew Gontshi became the first black law agent in the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope and thus South Africa's first black lawyer. Records of court cases argued by Gontshi and his fellow black law agents provide a rich new archive for understanding the political sensibilities of the nineteenth-century Eastern Cape, where Gontshi practiced law and participated in the development of new forms of political organization, as well as the meaning of law to black intellectuals. In both law and politics, Andrew Gontshi employed procedural tactics to hold the state accountable to its own formalities. In Gontshi's world, law provided not a source of justice but a set of tools that could be used to advance a political agenda. Gontshi's story thus prompts a reconsideration of law's place in the intellectual tradition of South Africa's liberation struggle.


2018 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 675-700 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yann Allard-Tremblay

AbstractI contrast two perspectives adopted to theorize political authorities. The first is the modern perspective. It conceives of political society as a civic union of free and equal citizens and regards the state as the political organization of this society. This perspective is primarily concerned with the principles that should govern the use of state power. The second is the political pluralist perspective. It recognizes a multiplicity of normative orders as equally legitimate. The focus is put on the civic processes by which a diverse citizenry should negotiate its interactions. I illustrate these perspectives by considering how they approach diversity, and more specifically the political claims of indigenous peoples. The pluralist perspective is argued to be normatively motivated by a consideration for the actual freedom of citizens to sustain diverse normative orders, to negotiate the structure of political society, and to jointly search for justice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 602-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynn K. Nyhart

How do the discourses of biology and politics interact? This article uses the case of Carl Vogt (1817–1895), the notorious German “radical materialist” zoologist and political revolutionary, to analyze the traffic across these discourses before, during, and after the revolutions of 1848. Arguing that metaphors of the organism and the state did different work in the discourse communities of German political theorists and biologists through the 1840s, it then traces Vogt’s life and work to show how politics and biology came together in his biography. It draws on Vogt’s political rhetoric, his satirical post-1849 writings, and his scientific studies to examine the parallels he drew between animal organization and human social and political organization in the 1840s and ’50s. Broadening back out, I suggest that the discourses of organismal and state organization, both somewhat transformed, would align more closely over the 1850s and thereafter—yet asymmetrically. Although the state metaphor became more attractive for biologists, the organism as state did not harden into a dominant concept in biology. On the political side, a new wave of political theorizing increasingly viewed the state as resembling a biological organism. These shifts, I speculate, brought the discourses closer together in the post-revolutionary era, and may be seen as contributing to a new configuration of mutual legitimation between science and the state. This essay is part of a special issue entitled REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS AND BIOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE AND GERMANY edited by Lynn K. Nyhart and Florence Vienne.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. e1537
Author(s):  
Frode Storaas ◽  
Rolf Erik Scott ◽  
Getachew Kassa Negussie

The Islamic pastoral Afars inhabit the northeastern rangelands of Ethiopia. Some have settled in towns and trade centers where the Ethiopian state is present with the police and other government officials. The Ethiopian government is working on implementing state laws on the Afar who previously lived outside the regulations of the state. Now, however, many Afars have a foot in both sectors, having a home in town while maintaining close contact with their nomadic relatives. Hussein Hayie has a government position as Peace and Security officer. His work is to judge whether an incident should be handled as a criminal case for the police or be left as a case to be solved the traditional way by the elders of the clans. The Afar political organization is based on both territory and kinship. The political institutions are geared towards social control and the resolution of conflicts. The tribal leaders are often called upon to intervene before a small matter escalates to homicide and if a homicide occurs, to work out agreements of compensation in order to avoid blood-feuds. The film follows Hussein Hayie in town and when he visits his families in the nomadic camps. As a government employee, he is continuously on duty and in the film we see how he is called to act. However, Hussein is constantly treading a thin line in when negotiating cases a society existing both outside and inside the state. 36 mins. 2014.   


1972 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 45-56
Author(s):  
Bertil Albrektson

The purpose of this paper is to discuss aspects which concern the religious legitimation of the state, with a focus on the period of the Israelite monarchy, partly because it is during this particular period—the reigns of David and Solomon, and the time of the divided kingdom down to the exile—that the political organization of Israel may safely be called a state, and partly because the golden age of the prophetic movement falls precisely in this period. The author provides a sketch of the historical and ideological background and then says something about three different groups of prophets: the professional cultic prophets, the early Yahwistic prophets of the type of Elijah and Elisha, and the great prophets.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 191
Author(s):  
Ja'far Ja'far

Aljam’iyatul Washliyah is an Islamic organization in North Sumatra that has mass potential, business charity and social religion which is still ignored by many researchers. This study reveals the development of Alwashliyah's political thought in Indonesia. The process of extracting data is carried out from document studies and interviews with important figures in this organization. Alwashliyah's political thinking continues to experience development. Aljam’iyatul Wasliyah was born as a non-political organization because it was engaged in education, preaching and social charity. During the Old Order, Alwashliyah tried to become a special member of the Masyumi Party. Then, move to support Parmusi and have an ideological relationship with PPP. This study argues that Alwashliyah's political understanding is moderate Islamism. This organization supports Islam as the basis of the state by rejecting Pancasila. However, gradually this organization accepted Pancasila as the final ideology. This paper contributes to seeing how the political dynamics of a religious organization accommodate Pancasila


Author(s):  
Moshe Halbertal

This introductory chapter distinguishes between the first two senses of sacrifice: “sacrificing to” and “sacrificing for.” Each use leads to a different field of inquiry. “Sacrificing to” engages such questions as ritual, substitution, and atonement. The study of sacrifice through this lens has received intense attention from different fields of investigation: the sociology of religion, psychoanalysis, anthropology, evolutionary biology, comparative religion, and cultural studies. Meanwhile, “sacrificing for” involves the political and moral spheres. Self-sacrifice for another individual, value, or collective seems key to much of ethical life and political organization. Focusing on “sacrificing for” leads to analyzing the role of sacrifice in war and the function of the state as a sacrificial bond.


Worldview ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 24-27
Author(s):  
Yaron Ezrahi

The creation of the State of Israel in 1948 met much resistance. In the intervening twenty-five years the Israeli experience has been subjected to much criticism. Some of this resistance and much of the criticism have come from Jews who feared that the political organization of the state and the concomitant functions of controlling and managing power are antithetical to Jewish cultural and ethical orientations. If, to many Jews, a Jewish soldier or a Jewish policeman were symbols of liberation from the threat of massacres and pogroms and the humiliation of defenselessness against anti-Semitic assaults, to others these figures have represented a setback for the moral purity of the Jew, who exemplifies a higher ethical existence, a retreat from the vision of a transpolitical society. That vision did not include such demands of collective physical and material existence as the delineation of territorial boundaries, the organization and the employment of military power and the assumption of collective responsibility for economic viability.


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