Richard Lester's Institutional‐Industrial Relations Model of Labor Markets and the Near‐Zero Minimum Wage Employment Effect: The Model Card and Krueger Ignored but Shouldn't Have

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1002-1032
Author(s):  
Bruce E. Kaufman
ILR Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-609 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Neumark ◽  
William Wascher

The authors make three points in this reply to the article by Allegretto, Dube, Reich, and Zipperer (ADRZ 2017). First, ADRZ shed no new light on the sensitivity of estimated minimum wage employment effects to the treatment of trends in state-level panel data, and they make some arguments in this context that are misleading or simply wrong. Second, the key issue ADRZ emphasize—using “close controls” to account for shocks that are correlated with minimum wage changes—does not generate large differences in findings, and ADRZ do not address evidence from Neumark, Salas, and Wascher (NSW 2014a) that questions the validity of the close controls used in Allegretto, Dube, and Reich’s (ADR 2011) and Dube, Lester, and Reich’s (DLR 2010) work. Third, ADRZ ignore or dismiss a growing number of studies that address in various ways the same issue of potential correlations between minimum wages and shocks to low-skill labor markets that ADRZ argue generate spurious evidence of disemployment effects, yet often find rather large negative effects of minimum wages on low-skilled employment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (5) ◽  
pp. 652-669 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph McIvor ◽  
Raymond Markey

The issue of weekend penalty rates has been an important area of contention in Australian industrial relations in recent times, with employers seeking reductions in penalty rates or their elimination altogether. In its recent review of Modern Awards, the Fair Work Commission decided to reduce Sunday penalty rates in a number of awards. The decision was in part informed by a recent review by the Productivity Commission, which had gone so far as to recommend that penalty rates on Sundays be made equivalent to Saturdays. In this article, we examine two of the main justifications for reductions in Sunday penalty rates. We begin by examining the question of whether Sundays are still ‘special’ in a sense likely to warrant penalty rates additional to those on a Saturday. We find that Sundays remain the least preferred day to work, are most valued by employees, and occupy a particular role in time shared with family. We also examine the key claim by the Productivity Commission – accepted by the Fair Work Commission – that a reduction in penalty rates would necessarily result in increased employment in the industries considered. We find that there is little direct empirical evidence for this, and that minimum wage studies have been largely unable to find a net employment effect. The relationship among wages, policy and unemployment is complex in a way that defies simple predictions. There is a need for more direct evidence of the effects of penalty rates on employment.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Azar ◽  
Emiliano Huet-Vaughn ◽  
Ioana Elena Marinescu ◽  
Bledi Taska ◽  
Till Von Wachter

2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (3) ◽  
pp. 1405-1454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doruk Cengiz ◽  
Arindrajit Dube ◽  
Attila Lindner ◽  
Ben Zipperer

Abstract We estimate the effect of minimum wages on low-wage jobs using 138 prominent state-level minimum wage changes between 1979 and 2016 in the United States using a difference-in-differences approach. We first estimate the effect of the minimum wage increase on employment changes by wage bins throughout the hourly wage distribution. We then focus on the bottom part of the wage distribution and compare the number of excess jobs paying at or slightly above the new minimum wage to the missing jobs paying below it to infer the employment effect. We find that the overall number of low-wage jobs remained essentially unchanged over the five years following the increase. At the same time, the direct effect of the minimum wage on average earnings was amplified by modest wage spillovers at the bottom of the wage distribution. Our estimates by detailed demographic groups show that the lack of job loss is not explained by labor-labor substitution at the bottom of the wage distribution. We also find no evidence of disemployment when we consider higher levels of minimum wages. However, we do find some evidence of reduced employment in tradeable sectors. We also show how decomposing the overall employment effect by wage bins allows a transparent way of assessing the plausibility of estimates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Lovén Seldén

This article addresses recent developments in the debate on a European minimum wage and tries to shed light on the Swedish standpoint, which from a European perspective might be difficult to comprehend. The article argues that even though the ETUC secretariat has tried to find a balance among the member organisations regarding the EU initiative on a fair minimum wage, it is far from enough from a Swedish and Nordic perspective. Issues such as how to approach collective bargaining, how to think about minimum wages and the role of the government in industrial relations cause problems when unions that operate in relatively diverse institutional contexts try to cooperate. It is therefore likely that the EU minimum wage will continue to be at the core of European trade union discussions in the coming years. At the same time, institutional differences between countries are not the only factors determining union cooperation in Europe. Contextual factors also matter.


2012 ◽  
Vol 96 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 739-749 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lee ◽  
Emmanuel Saez

2007 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 741-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Cowling ◽  
William Mitchell

The Workplace Relations Amendment (Work Choices) Act 2005 changes the architecture of labour market regulation in Australia in a significant way. The focus of this article is on changes to the regulatory framework for minimum wage determination and the rationale for, and likely consequences of, conferring this power on the Australian Fair Pay Commission. Underpinning the Work Choices package is the view that Safety Net wage rises awarded by the Australian Industrial Relations Commission have had negative effects on employment. In this article we establish that the evidence to support this claim is weak, and is being used to engineer a historic shift in the objectives of the Australian wage setting process. We argue that the new legislation will act as a downward drag on the pay and conditions of minimum wage workers and advance an alternative policy approach in which attaining full employment does not require us to abandon the principle of fairness or a decent wage floor.


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