Russian Economic Nationalism during the First World War: Moscow Merchants and Commercial Diasporas

2003 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Lohr
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Pragmatic Approach ◽  
Economic Nationalism ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
First World

While accounts of the end of the Ottoman and Hapsburg empires have often stressed the rise of Turkish and German nationalisms, narratives of the Romanov collapse have generally not portrayed Russian nationalism as a key factor. In fact, scholars have either stressed the weaknesses of Russian national identity in the populace or the generally pragmatic approach of the government, which, as Hans Rogger classically phrased it, “opposed all autonomous expressions of nationalism, including the Russian.” In essence, many have argued, the regime was too conservative to embrace Russian nationalism, and it most often “subordinated all forms of the concept of nationalism to the categories of dynasty and empire.”

scholarly journals Socio-economic situation in Vienna during the First World War 1916–1918.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-182
Author(s):  
Rashid A. Nadirov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Status ◽  
First World War ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Food Crisis ◽  
World War ◽  
The People ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
First World

This article addresses the problem of socio-economic status of the Austro-Hungarian capital Vienna in the second period of the First World War - 1916-1918. Much attention is paid to the consequences of the war: the food crisis, the deficit, the rise in prices for basic necessities, speculation, protests, etc. It shows the transformation of the mood of the Viennese society in the conditions of the growing economic crisis. The food issue directly affected the quality of life of the residents of the capital, who were in difficult wartime conditions, and largely influenced their attitude to the current government. In this study, the task was to analyze the relationship between the government and the people and to find out why the people of Vienna, who had initially been patriotic and united around the monarchy, had joined the opposition by 1916. The author concludes that the food crisis, against the backdrop of the inaction of the government, which has used only the practice of prohibitions and restrictions on the civilian population, has become a key factor in exacerbating protests and leading to the overthrow of the political regime and the collapse of the monarchy.

scholarly journals NATIONAL AND CULTURAL ACTIVITIES OF VASYL PROKHODA IN POW CAMPS DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2018 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 203-212
Author(s):  
Nataliia KRAVETS
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Military Service ◽  
First World War ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Activities ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Government ◽  
First World

The article deals with the national-cultural activities of Vasyl Prokhoda in the POW camps in Austria-Hungary during the First World War. First of all, the stages of military service in the Russian army on the eve and during the Great War have been clarified (1912 – beginning of service in the 51st Lithuanian Regiment in Simferopol; 1913 – courses of the reserve ensigns; November 1914 – the rank of ensign; the Austro-Hungarian front of the First World War; winter 1914–1915 – participation in the Carpathian Operation of the Russian Army, captivity). Special attention is paid to his staying in the POW camps (Josefstadt, Liberec, Brux (Most), Theresienstadt (Terezin), stages of his national identity evolution. It stated that the formation of V. Prokhoda's national identity was facilitated by various factors: first of all, acquaintance with K. Kuril, program documents of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, creation of Ukrainian libraries, choirs, drama clubs in the camps, reading of works by T. Shevchenko, M. Vovchka, etc. The author also investigates the public activities of V. Prokhoda in the POW camps, his contribution to the organization of Ukrainian life there, highlights living conditions in the camps (according to his observations), as well as specifics of inter-ethnic relations against the backdrop of events of the Russian Revolution 1917. The perception and attitude of nationally conscious Ukrainians (prisoners of war), in particular, V. Prokhody, to the creation of the Ukrainian Central Rada, its I and II Universals, the resolutions of the first military congresses in Ukraine, the Bolshevik coup in Russia in October 1917, compared to the estimates of these events by Russians (prisoners of war). The circumstances that opened the possibility of forming Ukrainian divisions of prisoners of war and sending them to disposal of the Government of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) in the first half of 1918 were clarified. The last months of V. Prokhoda's staying in the POW camps under conditions of his health deterioration, the circumstances of his returning to Ukraine after the coup of P. Skoropadskyi are presented. Keywords Vasyl Prokhoda, national and cultural activity, POW camps, Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

"Militarizacija materinstva" – ženski "naravni poklic" in vélika vojna

2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-89
Author(s):  
Ana Cergol Paradiž
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
First World War ◽  
Promotional Material ◽  
World War ◽  
Educational Work ◽  
Female Authors ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Mothers And Children ◽  
Representations Of Women ◽  
First World

With the help of publications, legislation, memoranda and promotional material, this article shows how various actors in the Slovene-speaking area, during the First World War, addressed their mothers, and if also in their cases, the phenomenon of the "militarization of motherhood" was shown, which was typical of other European countries. In the context of the discourse "militarization of motherhood", it analyzes the ways of how female (national) identity was formed. It tries to answer the question of what (patriotic) duties were imposed to women as mothers, for example, if as a result of declining birth rates in that time, even we encountered pronatalistic initiatives, especially those that were advocating social and health protection of (illegitimate) mothers and children. It also analyzes the views on the educational work of mothers at the time when this was, due to the absence of fathers, irregular lessons and the difficult war situation, even more difficult. At the same time, it studies the representations of women as mourning mothers at the deaths of their sons-soldiers. In this context, it establishes that during the war, the motif of a mourning, but brave and proud mother was frequent also in the Slovene press. A separate chapter presents the views of female authors on the topic of motherhood.

From Soldier to Peasant? The Land Settlement Scheme in East Sussex, 1919—1939

1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-462
Author(s):  
Carol A. Lockwood
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
World War ◽  
Land Settlement ◽  
City Life ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Demobilized Soldiers ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
First World

The English rural myth suggested that being close to the rhythms of nature, as opposed to being immersed in the irritations and pollution of city life, would create a settled, healthy, content, and loyal population. By the inter-war period the rural myth depicted an appealing image of self-sufficient, independent peasants living an uncomplicated lifestyle based on agricultural pursuits. In the aftermath of the First World War this picture of a golden countryside was popular and admired by social reformers, members of the government, and the general public. The coalition government incorporated this myth into its post-war social legislation and created in 1919 a land settlement scheme for newly demobilized soldiers aimed at establishing a new base of smallholding agricultural workers to populate the countryside. The myth may have been appealing, but it turned out to be economically not self-sustaining and politically it got little more than lip service. A myth cannot be attained through mere legislation. This article examines the land settlement scheme in East Sussex during the inter-war period and argues that even in an area seemingly well-suited to such a program, the scheme was neither practical nor successful in its attempt to put the myth into practice.

Torrefranca vs. Puccini: embodying a decadent Italy

2001 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-53
Author(s):  
ALEXANDRA WILSON
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
First World War ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
World War ◽  
Giacomo Puccini ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Italian Culture ◽  
First World

Puccini reception lay at the heart of a crisis of national identity that gripped Italy between the turn of the century and the First World War. For Puccini's detractors his works were an emblem of decadence; for his supporters they provided a means for regeneration. In his vitriolic monograph, Giacomo Puccini e l'opera internazionale (1912), Fausto Torrefranca associated Puccini with dangerous ‘others’ – women, homosexuals and Jews – in order to instil fear about the ‘feminisation’ of Italian culture. The reception of his book shows that Torrefranca's ‘extreme’ views were widely shared.

State Purchase of the Liquor Trade in the First World War

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-615 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Turner
Keyword(s):  
State Intervention ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Mythology ◽  
First World

In 1915 and again in 1917 the British government almost decided to buy out the whole of the licensed liquor trade in the United Kingdom. An examination of the circumstances in which this ambitious proposal was contemplated poses serious questions of interpretation for the historian of the first World War. The episode figures in the historiography of temperance as a missed opportunity to use the power of government to solve a longstanding social problem; this, however, was a minor part of the story. In 1915 state purchase was to have helped to reduce industrial absenteeism, and thus to increase munitions production. In 1917 it was to have conserved foodstuffs and saved shipping during the submarine crisis. It can thus be seen as yet another manifestation of ‘war socialism’: but it has two distinctive characteristics. First, the government had little understanding of the economic and social phenomena which it sought to control by assuming ownership of the liquor trade, though much political effort was put into the manoeuvre. Second, the private interests concerned were quite eager, partly because of pre-war conditions, to be expropriated for their own good as much as for the nation's benefit. It is an unexceptionable part of conventional wisdom that the first World War, like the second, was a major catalyst of change, and especially of state intervention in society. The history of state purchase shows how tenuous and haphazard the causal connexion between war and social change could be. The demands of war were (almost) translated into major state intervention, but the process was mediated by the political mythology of drink, by the operation in the political system of a powerful business pressure group, and by the shifting priorities of governments which subordinated all policy to the need to guide a war economy to victory.

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