Ending the impasse in Kosovo: partition, decentralization, or consociationalism?

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 867-889 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Rossi

This paper argues that current Western-backed approaches to conflict resolution in Kosovo have failed to alter Serbia's policy toward the region and have contributed to the exacerbation of political tensions between Belgrade and Brussels, while deepening ethnic cleavages between Serb and Albanian communities. While there is no possibility of Kosovo returning to Serbia's control, there is an equal unlikelihood that Serbian-populated regions of Kosovo, especially the north, will submit to Pristina's authority. Most importantly, there is little hope that Kosovo can gain full international recognition and membership in international organizations without a compromise settlement with Serbia. While territorial partition has long been a suggested option, I conclude that the best possible solution for Kosovo, given the positions of all parties involved, is a process of significant decentralization beyond the internationally supported measures in the Ahtisaari Plan. A model of consociational power sharing is one in which Serbian and Albanian municipalities are granted high levels of autonomy similar to arrangements made for Bosnia. While this solution may not be ideal and further weakens central authority, I argue that consociationalism reduces the problems of ethnic conflict, encourages local self-government, and preserves the overall territorial integrity of Kosovo.

Author(s):  
Stefan Wolff

For more than four decades, advocates of consociationalism and their opponents have been engaged in a debate over about how to design institutions to achieve sustainable peace in divided societies. In general, existing theories acknowledge the importance and usefulness of institutional design in conflict resolution, but offer rather different prescriptions as to the most appropriate models to achieve stable conflict settlements. Three such theories are of particular significance: power sharing in the form of its liberal consociational variant, centripetalism, and power dividing. Consociationalism, centripetalism, and power dividing offer a range of distinct prescriptions on how to ensure that differences of identity do not translate into violence. They often go beyond “politics at the center” and also provide arguments on territorial dimensions of ethnic conflict settlement. Practitioners of conflict resolution recognize the need to combine a range of different mechanisms, giving rise to an emerging practice of conflict settlement known as “complex power sharing.” None of the three theories of conflict resolution fully captures this current practice of complex power sharing, even as liberal consociationalism appears to be the most open to incorporation of elements of centripetalism and power dividing. A theory of complex power sharing would need to explain why there is empirical support for a greater mix of institutions than existing theories recommend.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
MAËLINE LE LAY

International aid has influenced and, in part, shaped the artistic sector in Africa's Great Lakes region (DRC, Rwanda, Burundi) since the 1990s, a period marked by numerous conflicts and mass violence. Due to NGOs’ programmatic foci, artists performing for social change are increasingly compelled to focus on reconciliation and conflict resolution, generating political awareness and bringing about social change, healing and peacemaking. Through a comparative analysis of European and local productions on the genocide this article asks, how and why does an ‘NGO-style theatre’ develop a specific audience in the region? How have themes such as mass violence, inter-ethnic conflict and social cohesion become the main concerns of the territory's theatre? How do performances made and/or sponsored by NGOs challenge not only theatre's form, its social stakes and functions, but also the conception of its audience and the relationships between actors and spectators?


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (6) ◽  
pp. 863-870 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Wolff

The conflict over Transnistria is a territorial dispute in which one of the conflict parties (Transnistria) seeks independence while the other (Moldova) aims to restore its full sovereignty and territorial integrity. For close to two decades, the situation has been stagnant: a cease-fire agreement signed in 1992 in Moscow between the Russian and Moldovan presidents at the time – Boris Yeltsin and Mircea Snegur – established a trilateral peacekeeping mission (Russia, Moldova, Transnistria) and a buffer zone along the Dniestr/Nistru River. Protected by these arrangements and an additional Russian military presence, Transnistria has developed into a de facto state of its own, albeit without international recognition and heavily dependent on Russia.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Shannon

I explore whether international organizations (IOs) promote peaceful conflict management. Using territorial claims data, I find that organizations with interventionist capabilities encourage disputing members to attempt peaceful conflict resolution. Then, to more fully uncover the causal relationship between IOs and conflict management, I investigate the influence of IOs on bilateral dispute settlement separately from third party settlement.The analyses reveal that institutions do not promote bilateral negotiations between members, indicating that the socialization and trust-building capabilities of IOs are limited. However, institutions foster multilateral talks, demonstrating that IOs broker bargaining with third party diplomatic intervention.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Seth Akhilele

Abstract In this article, there is the intersection of biblical principles into the teaching and learning of organizational behavior. It examined the crisis in the early Church, as told in the Luke account of Acts of the Apostles Chapter six, and how the leaders decided to resolve the conflict. The exegetical analysis method revealed the lessons learned from the apostolic leaders’ decision-making strategy and the power play in their leadership style. The results included the need for decision making for conflict resolution, decision and empowerment, power distance advantage, and power-sharing advantage in the early Church. The decision-making style for resolving the conflict in the Church was then recommended for contemporary church leaders, in teaching organizational leadership behavior in Christian schools, and in practice in other organizations. The study results suggest that the Bible is a rich source of data for teaching organizational behavior. Keywords: Low-power distance, conflict resolution, decision making, church, power-sharing.


Conquered ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 303-311
Author(s):  
Larry J. Daniel

There were several reasons the Army of Tennessee kept fighting despite demoralizing losses. Some considered the war a fight to the death; that is, being brought back into the Union was not an option. Others hoped for foreign intervention, but most knew this was unlikely. Some found comfort in rumors of international recognition. Others believed the war would bankrupt the North. The re-election of Republican Abraham Lincoln ended hopes that a Democrat in office would end the war and grant the south its wishes. In general, the Army of Tennessee believed that they could keep fighting until the North was too war-weary to continue. There was no talk of surrender.


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