How Al Jazeera reported the Arab Spring: A preliminary comparative analysis

Media Asia ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Bosio
2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luca Bettarelli

AbstractPolitical participation is far from being a trivial issue. The focus of this paper will be on two dissimilar acts of political participation in the context of the Arab Spring: revolution and elections. In detail, I will first describe participants in revolution and elections – who they are and why they do participate – to then analyse the link (if any) between revolution and electoral participation. This study will develop a comparison between the cases of Tunisia and Egypt. The findings will illustrate that Tunisian insurgents are more likely to vote in post-revolution elections when compared to their Egyptian fellows, and that this is consistent with the events in the aftermath of the two revolutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Minos-Athanasios Karyotakis ◽  
Nikos Panagiotou ◽  
Nikos Antonopoulos ◽  
Matina Kiourexidou

Digital Media organizations had a crucial role on the coverage of the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’, but until today the outcomes of the news gathering are debatable in the academic society. This study examines the frames of the English-language websites of Al Jazeera, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), and China Daily from 9 to 13 February 2011 because of the termination of Hosni Mubarak’s presidency. The sample consists of 92 website articles, which report the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ without considering any video footage in the examined news stories. The particular article examines the frames of each article and categorizes them according to a Knowledge Extraction (KE) tool named ‘Open Calais’, which is owned by another media organization, Reuters. In this study, China Daily’s coverage differs from the former researchers’ results regarding the ‘Arab Spring’ covering. According to the findings, there was a merited coverage on the case of the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ without relying exclusively on the content of the official press agency of the People's Republic of China, Xinhua News Agency, and acted like a western-type news media.


The aim of the book is to closely study regime responses and the principal transformations that have occurred in the MENA countries and in the region overall as a result of the Arab Spring, with the purpose of assessing whether the nature of power and power relations has changed since 2011.Thus, this book analyses comparatively the consequences of the political changes that have taken place following the Arab Spring in MENA countries, not only at national level (within political regimes), but also at regional and international level (the MENA region and western policies towards MENA countries). The monograph opts for a horizontal comparative analysis by theme: parties and political groups, elections, constitutional frameworks, power relations, governance, civil society, rights and freedoms, regional powers, security issues and foreign policies. In order to complement this comparative analysis, this book also employs a typology to study change processes undertaken in specific countries in the MENA region: democratisation, autocratisation, political liberalisation, authoritarian progression and the breakdown of state authority. Thus, political change can and often does take different directions, not all of which necessarily have to lead to regime change. Transitions may occur from authoritarianism toward democracy, but may also give rise to a reconfiguration of authoritarianism. Authoritarian rulers can undertake political reforms without democratic motivations. Thus, the broad concept of ‘political change’ is used in this monograph not only in the sense of provoking democratic developments, but also as an element in reshaping authoritarian regimes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-119
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Moreira Rodriguez Leite ◽  
Thauan Santos ◽  
Cintiene Sandes Monfredo Mendes

As políticas migratórias da UE são caracterizadas como estratégicas, nas quais os interesses securitários da Comunidade são priorizados. A lógica de tais políticas consiste na regulação a partir das fronteiras sob dois mecanismos dispostos em normativas comunitárias: o Acordo de Schengen e o Tratado de Amsterdã. No decorrer da Primavera Árabe, em especial, o fluxo de refugiados somou-se ao de imigrantes irregulares, denunciando as lacunas existentes na gestão das fronteiras europeias em termos estratégicos e também humanitários. O aporte metodológico utilizado da análise comparada nos permite identificar as distorções entre documento e prática no que se refere ao Tratado de Amsterdã e o Acordo de Schengen na gestão de fronteiras. Nossa hipótese é de que o aumento do fluxo de refugiados geraria uma crise institucional na qual o poder soberano se sobreporia ao poder supranacional.Abstract: EU migration policies are characterized as strategic, in which the securitization interests of the Community are prioritized. The logic of such policies is to regulate from the borders under two mechanisms set out in Community legislation: the Schengen Agreement and the Treaty of Amsterdam. During the Arab Spring, in particular, the influx of refugees added to irregular migrants, stressing the shortcomings in the management of European borders in strategic and humanitarian terms. The methodological approach used in the comparative analysis allows us to identify the distortions between document and practice regarding the Treaty of Amsterdam and the Schengen Agreement on border management. Our hypothesis is that increasing the flow of refugees would create an institutional crisis in which sovereign power would replace supranational power.Palavras-chave: União Europeia, fluxo de refugiados, gestão de fronteiras.Keywords: European Union, Refugee flows, border management. Recebido em 30 de Janeiro de 2018 | Aceito em 05 de Maio de 2018.Received on January 30, 2018 | Accepted on May 5, 2018. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dana M. Moss

The Arab Spring revolutions of 2011 sent shockwaves across the globe, mobilizing diaspora communities to organize forcefully against authoritarian regimes. Despite the important role that diasporas can play in influencing affairs in their countries of origin, little is known about when diaspora actors mobilize, how they intervene, or what makes them effective. This book addresses these questions, drawing on over 230 original interviews, fieldwork, and comparative analysis. Examining Libyan, Syrian, and Yemeni mobilization from the US and Great Britain before and during the revolutions, Dana M. Moss presents a new framework for understanding the transnational dynamics of contention and the social forces that either enable or suppress transnational activism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Süveyda Karakaya

Scholarly interest in the topic of nonviolent resistance has recently increased as a result of the worldwide spread of nonviolent campaigns such as the Arab Spring. Yet causal factors that facilitate the emergence of nonviolent resistance campaigns remain underexplored. This paper comparatively analyzes the causal factors of nonviolent and violent resistance campaigns in the world for the period 1976–2006 by utilizing NAVCO 2 data. This paper argues that increasing levels of globalization lead to a preference for nonviolent campaigns over violent ones. The findings confirm that increasing levels of globalization are positively associated with the emergence of nonviolent campaigns, while negatively influencing the probability of violent campaigns. Integration into the world increases the popularity of peaceful alternatives to achieve political goals.


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