The folly and the glory: America, Russia, and political warfare 1945–2020, by Tim Weiner

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-100
Author(s):  
Kathleen C. Bailey
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-453
Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov

Abstract The phenomenon of color revolutions has occupied a prominent place in Russian politics for a good reason. The major threat of color revolutions as modern political warfare designed by Western countries deeply affected the political process in Russia since 2005. It may have appeared that the imperative of resisting them was the result of a non-democratic regime reacting to neighboring countries’ uprisings. Some portrayed it as authoritarian learning. This paper suggests that the counteractions stemmed from the interests of disunited Russian elite groups who were seeking opportunities to reinforce their dominance and capitalize on the idea of significant external threats. The phenomenon reshaped the balance within elite groups and led to the consolidation of law enforcement networks on the eve of Putin’s third term. Further, the prevailing perception of color revolutions discouraged any elite splits that could lead to proto-democratic rules.


1978 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 348-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne C. Thompson

In August 1914 Kurt Riezler accompanied Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg to the Supreme Headquarters in Koblenz and Luxembourg. His duties were not clearly defined and included a variety of things: He worked on war aims, parliamentary speeches, revolutionary movements, and domestic political questions. He helped interpret the chancellor's policies to the press, establish guidelines for censorship, and write anonymous articles supporting Bethmann Hollweg's policies. He could be called Bethmann Hollweg's assistant for political warfare.Unlike most Germans Riezler sensed from the beginning that a German victory was not assured. On August 14, 1914, in his first diary entry after the outbreak of war, he noted that although “everybody was apparently happy to be able for once to dedicate himself unreservedly to a great cause, … no one doubts or appears to consider even for an instant what a gamble war is, especially this war.” Riezler also realized that the “ideas of 1914” would not retain their strength forever. “Just as the storm frightens the vermin out of the air—when it becomes quieter again, everything crawls out of its refuge—and emerges again in the state as well as in individual human beings.” This realization protected Riezler from the naive belief that Germany could bear a long war without an obvious effort to achieve a negotiated peace, without a new European order which at most allowed Germany indirect control, and without domestic political concessions to the German masses.


2017 ◽  
Vol 232 ◽  
pp. 982-1001
Author(s):  
Gary Rawnsley

AbstractAccepting that Taiwan has accumulated “soft power” since the introduction of democratic reforms in the late 1980s, this paper assesses Taiwan's external communications during Ma Ying-jeou's presidency and how its soft power resources have been exercised. Demonstrating the strategic turn from political warfare to public and cultural diplomacy, the paper begins with the premise that the priority must be to increase familiarity with Taiwan among foreign publics. It then argues that any assessment of external communications in the Ma administration must consider the impact of two key decisions: first, the dissolution of the Government Information Office and the transfer of its responsibilities for international communications to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a new Ministry of Culture, and second, the priority given to cultural themes in Taiwan's external communications.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (11) ◽  
pp. 900-909
Author(s):  
V. L. Kvint ◽  
I. V. Novikova ◽  
M. K. Alimuradov

Aim. The presented study aims to examine strategic principles for developing regional strategic priorities with allowance for the alignment of global and national interests.Tasks. The authors define the role of the alignment of interests in the development of regional strategies; determine the global interests of the United Nations (UN), the International Labour Organization, and the national interests of Russia, which should be taken into account when formulating strategic priorities for regional development.Methods. This study uses the theory and methodology of strategizing developed by academician V.L. Kvint to describe strategic principles for developing regional strategic priorities with allowance for the alignment of global and national interests. Applied research is conducted through the example of Kuzbass.Results. The conceptual framework for substantiating the strategic priorities of regional development is determined as a result of the alignment of global, national and regional interests based on relevant trends. It is shown how the UN Sustainable Development Goals, the initiative of the Global Commission on the Future of Work, national goals, and strategic objectives for the development of the Russian Federation are reflected in the strategic contours of Kuzbass development until 2035 and beyond.Conclusions. When developing strategic priorities, aligned interests of all parties — from global to personal — make it easier to achieve a positive multiplier effect, increasing the effectiveness of initiatives and satisfaction of performers. Conflicting interests may lead to opportunistic behavior, a ban on holding any events, inefficient use of rare limited resources, and loss of confidence among performers in the implementation of their initiatives. Inconsistency with global and national interests may lead to sanctions, economic and political warfare.


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