The Colonial State and the Political Economy of Famine in Swaziland, 1943–1945

2013 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-121
Author(s):  
Hamilton Sipho Simelane
1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-77
Author(s):  
Adeniyi S. Basiru

The president and the network of offices that are linked to him, in modern presidential democracies, symbolize a neutral state that does not meddle in order-threatening political struggles. It however seems that this liberal ideal is hardly the case in many illiberal democracies. Against this background, this article examines the presidential roots of public disorder in post-military Nigeria. Drawing on documentary data source and deploying neo-patrimonial theory as theoretical framework, it argues that the presidency in Nigeria, given the historical context under which it has emerged as well as the political economy of neo-patrimonialism and prebendalism that has nurtured it, is a central participant in the whole architecture of public disorder. The paper recommends, among others, the fundamental restructuring of the Nigerian neo-colonial state and the political economy that undergird it.Keywords: Imperial Presidency; Neo-patrimonialism; Disorder; Authoritarianism; Nigeria.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 56-62
Author(s):  
Michael Bratton

[The designation “Rhodesia” is used to distinguish the colonial state, with which this article is concerned, from the future decolonized “Zimbabwe”. Readers interested in a less theoretical but more closely documented version of the arguments presented in this paper, plus analysis of the options and prospects for the administration of rural development in Zimbabwe, are referred to Beyond Community Development: The Political Economy of Rural Administration in Zimbabwe (London, Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1978, 64 pp.) by the same author.]


1969 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tyler McCreary

This essay charts the shifting assemblage of the conduct of state, corporate, and Indigenous authority through four historical moments: mercantilism, settler colonialism, Indigenous resurgence, and corporate reconciliation. With reference to Gitxsan territories, it makes a series of interrelated arguments. The development of colonial territorial claims and regimes of governance overlapped pre-existent and ongoing Indigenous territorial relationships. The historical division between the political and economic domain reshaped the relationship between state and corporate authorities, the state deferring to corporate actors to manage relations in the economic domain. The conduct of state and corporate authorities has constrained and modified the exercise of Indigenous jurisdiction. Nevertheless, Indigenous resurgence has opened space for renegotiating the colonial legal order, including relations between extractive resource companies and Indigenous authorities. Emergent corporate practices of contracting with Indigenous authorities over development, however, reflect a reconfiguration rather than rupture of the settler colonial legal order. Corporate-Indigenous agreements rely upon colonial modes of organizing lawful political and economic conduct, and continue to block more radical and anti-colonial expressions of Indigenous jurisdiction. To expand possibilities for articulating forms of Indigenous jurisdiction that refuse the categories of colonial political economy, it is necessary to problematize the relationship between colonial state and corporate authority. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 1070-1098
Author(s):  
DAVE LUMENTA

AbstractThis article, largely based on archival research, highlights two contradictory outcomes of colonial state formation in central Borneo. The first is characterized by territorial consolidation and efforts to neatly sedentarize peoples within each colonial territory, while the second is characterized by pacification that unwittingly liberalized the flows and movements of people and commodities transgressing colonial state boundaries. The 1924 Kapit Peacemaking Agreement in colonial Sarawak is often noted for its significance in bringing a final end to the practice of inter-ethnic headhunting, principally between the Iban of Sarawak and the Kenyah from Dutch Borneo. While it marked the successful outcome of a long phase of colonial pacification and territorial consolidation for both colonial states in Borneo, the agreement's outcome simultaneously highlights the contradictory inter-colonial motives and expectations regarding the resulting increase of cross-border flows of people and commodities. The presented case highlights challenges facing Dutch colonial state formation when attempts to subjugate and sedentarize riverine peoples, who were geographically tied to fluid commodity chains and flows, directly undermined the former's own efforts to establish authority in its borderland frontier.


Author(s):  
Igbokwe-Ibeto Chinyeaka Justine ◽  
Nwobi Fidelia ◽  
Nnaji Ifeoma Loretho

The colonial state emerged to serve the economic and political interests of the colonizing power. This state was created to formally organise the exploitation of the colonised territory in the interest of the metropolitan entity. Within the framework of political-economy theory, this article examined the Nigerian state and public sector management at the theoretical level with the aim of understanding the Nigerian state in terms of its integration into the global economy as a peripheral entity. The article relied on the political economy paradigm to explain the dynamics and shifts in the management of the public sector. The political economy approach is predicated on the primacy of material condition. The analysis of the economic sub-structure assists to account for, and explain the power politics behind the public sector management. This approach also elucidates on the character of the state, nature of its governing class and the mechanisms of domination. It concludes that, the Nigerian state and its actors have been major impediments to the deepening of the public sector management. The Nigerian state requires reconstituting in the sense that would make it humane, benevolent and less vulnerable to hijack by the political class.


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