Determining the Levels of Participation of Women Living in Rural Areas in Training Activities on Women’s Rights: Case of Turkey

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 611-616 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuray Demir ◽  
Adem Aksoy ◽  
Tecer Atsan ◽  
Okan Demir
Author(s):  
Marguba Makhsudovna Nosirova ◽  

This article deals with the situation with violations of women's rights and freedoms in the world in recent years and the increase in violence against them during the COVID-19 pandemic, measures taken in our country on gender policy, a number of presidential decrees. The large-scale work on increasing the participation of women in society and the state, based on the tasks set out in the state programs and responded also was analyzed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monique Van Alphen Fyfe

One hundred years on from Harriette Vine's graduation, women in law are still confronted with discrimination in their careers. This article examines perceptions of women in law and women's pessimism regarding their prospects. It suggests that legislative, institutional and individual efforts could generate equality within the legal community. Solidarity and agitation to encourage the participation of women at all levels of the profession can best honour the legacy of women's rights in New Zealand.


Author(s):  
Laura J. Shepherd

The WPS agenda is usually described in terms of four “pillars” of activity: the participation of women in peace and security governance; the prevention of violence and conflict; the protection of women’s rights and bodies; and gender-sensitive relief and recovery programming. Over time, however, the emphasis given to each of these pillars has varied, and different actors have supported different initiatives under each pillar, with different political effects. The story of tension evident in the data collected or co-produced is primarily articulated in this chapter in terms of imbalance across the various pillars (which in itself is interesting, as it presupposes the virtue or desirability of balance). Further, tensions and pressure points are politically and strategically deployed as rationales for (limited) engagement across the agenda as a whole by certain actors.


1999 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Molnar

Freud's translation of J.S. Mill involved an encounter with the traditions of British empirical philosophy and associationist psychology, both of which go back to Locke and Hume. The translation of Mill's essay on Plato also brought Freud into contact with the philosophical controversy between the advocates of intuition and faith and the advocates of perception and reason. A comparison of source and translated texts demonstrates Freud's faithfulness to his author. A few significant deviations may be connected with Freud's ambiguous attitude to women's rights, as advocated in the essay The Enfranchisement of Women. Stylistically Freud had nothing to learn from Mill. His model in English was Macaulay, whom he was also reading at this period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi E. Rademacher

Promoting the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was a key objective of the transnational women's movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet, few studies examine what factors contribute to ratification. The small body of literature on this topic comes from a world-society perspective, which suggests that CEDAW represented a global shift toward women's rights and that ratification increased as international NGOs proliferated. However, this framing fails to consider whether diffusion varies in a stratified world-system. I combine world-society and world-systems approaches, adding to the literature by examining the impact of women's and human rights transnational social movement organizations on CEDAW ratification at varied world-system positions. The findings illustrate the complex strengths and limitations of a global movement, with such organizations having a negative effect on ratification among core nations, a positive effect in the semiperiphery, and no effect among periphery nations. This suggests that the impact of mobilization was neither a universal application of global scripts nor simply representative of the broad domination of core nations, but a complex and diverse result of civil society actors embedded in a politically stratified world.


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