International Organization for Migration in the field: ‘walking the talk’ of global migration management in Manila

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (10) ◽  
pp. 1725-1742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pauline Gardiner Barber ◽  
Catherine Bryan
2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (34) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Stefan Rother ◽  

The emerging global governance of migration is characterized by its fragmentation in terms of institutions, underlying norms and conventions. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) holds a peculiar place within this framework: On the one side, it has been situated outside the United Nations System until very recently, considers itself a «non-normative» agency, and has mostly acted as a profit-based service provider for nation-states. On the other side, the IOM has been instrumental in establishing influential norms such as «migration management», it has been lauded «a leading agency on migration» by the UN and its member states, and moved closer to the UN system as a «related organization» in September 2016. However, the opposition to the original suggestion of calling the IOM «the leading agency on migration» highlights —beyond mere semantics— that the role of the organization is still nor clearly defined and remains contested. This contribution analyses the actorness IOM has achieved in global migration governance.


Global Jurist ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Martino Reviglio

Abstract The externalization of migration management to third countries is becoming a recurrent phenomenon in international migration management. Soft law instruments emerged as an important strategy to externalize migration management to third countries through international migration agreements. In particular, in the last years the European Union and some member states have adopted bilateral and multilateral migration agreements in order to diminish the arrival of migrants in Europe. These agreements in the form of soft law instruments are problematic because do not follow the ordinary process of law making and thus it is difficult to assess their legal effectivity. The memorandum of understanding signed in February 2017 between Libya and Italy represents an illustrative case of the process of externalizing migration management through soft law. From a critical discussion of the memorandum, many problems in relation to its legal and material validity follow. In particular, the protection of migrants’ human rights in Libya is not guaranteed as the many international organization and NGOs reports indicate.


Author(s):  
Andrew Geddes

While the prospects for a comprehensive system of global migration governance are remote, this chapter argues that this may be beside the point. Instead, efforts to build capacity, shared understanding of challenges, and efforts to persuade states of the benefits of cooperation can exist without formalized overarching structures. The chapter documents efforts that have been made, identifying the key role played by key organizations such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and the International Labour Organization (ILO). The chapter also demonstrates how the ‘global’ has become increasingly contested in the politics of some key destination states, which shows how prospects for global migration governance are not a merely technical question but raise important political questions. The chapter also shows the centrality of regions in mediating the relationship between the global and the national levels.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Hendra Maujana Saragih ◽  
Syifa Nur Islamiah

Human trafficking can be divided into three components related to: recruitment of people, ways of controlling people, and the purpose of exploitation. Ukraine is a country of origin and to a certain extent is a transit country for people who declare themselves in situations of slavery. Where in recent years Ukraine has become a destination country for victims of human trafficking, and also the case of human trafficking in the country of Ukraine is also increasingly widespread. IOM's mission in Ukraine is to continue to struggle in the face of the challenges of human trafficking, to assist the Government in improving the migration management system, and to create migrant health programs (inclusive and policy).Keywords: Human Trafficking, Ukraine, International Organization for Migration


Author(s):  
Caress Schenk

Although on the periphery of the migrant-receiving world as traditionally conceived, Russia is well entrenched in the global migration crisis. Migration crisis in Russia is largely a political construction, yet it is often framed as any other type of crisis (e.g. terrorism, geopolitical conflict, economic crisis), marked by a perception of existential threat, urgent public pressure, and uncertainty. This discussion of Russian policymakers’ approach shows how routinizing crisis decision making, through repeated reactionary moves that are institutionalized into law, creates continued crisis feedback loops that reinforce short-term policy horizons and fails to address long-standing demographic and labor market problems related to migration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (6) ◽  
pp. 1108-1127
Author(s):  
Josh Watkins

Migration management expresses the idealizations of policymakers: how they view the world’s ideal biopolitical and geopolitical organization. This article presents an analysis of an anti-irregular migration campaign funded by Australia and administered by the International Organization for Migration to deter “potential people smugglers” in Indonesia. The article demonstrates that the campaign attempted to normalize the idea that transporting irregular migrants was immoral and a sin. The Indonesia–Australia border and the Westphalian nation-state system were structured as moral geographies. The campaign framed immigration law as the ultimate determinant of moral and immoral migration, proclaiming a righteousness in immobilizing irregular migrants, regardless of circumstance. Per the campaign, moral migration is to be managed, and borders to be guarded, by unaccountable consultants for hire like the International Organization for Migration—states’ deputized migration managers. The article analyzes how irregular migration was structured as subverting and exploiting territorialized nations, how the campaign associated emplacement and boundedness with safety and irregular migration with a threatening, foreign, immorality. Finally, the article investigates how everyday spaces were infiltrated by bordering practices designed to normalize the campaign’s purported “truths” about morality and migration, showing the varying temporalities and scales of border-making and migration management.


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