Long-term urgent interests and human rights practice: a challenge to the political conception

Author(s):  
Andre Santos Campos
2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Lafont

In recent years philosophical debates on human rights have focused upon the contrast between humanist and political conceptions of human rights. Defenders of the humanist conception take human rights to be those rights that we have solely in virtue of being human. By contrast, defenders of the political conception aim to offer an account of human rights practice without any recourse to notions such as human dignity, personhood, etc. They take human rights to be those rights that we have in virtue of being subject to political authority. In this essay, I show some of the problematic implications of endorsing this aspect of the political conception. After analyzing some key functions that the concept of human dignity plays in human rights practice, I focus on the gradual extension of legal human rights to corporations. I analyze the negative effects that the distinctive functions of human rights norms can have upon the human rights of natural persons once corporations are recognized as legal persons bearing human rights. Turning to human rights jurisprudence I then explore the normative resources that the concept of human dignity has to offer in order to prevent such negative effects and which are unavailable to a conception of human rights that disregards the humanist core of human rights practice.


Author(s):  
Andre Santos Campos

Abstract The political conception makes sense of human rights strictly in light of their role in international human rights practice, more specifically by describing how they justify interventions against states that engage in or fail to prevent human rights violations. This conception is, therefore, normative and fact-dependent. Beyond this, it does not seem to have much to say about the actual nature of international human rights practice. The argument sustained here reinterprets the political conception by resorting to a heuristic device that explains how normativity can be fact-dependent: the Hartian model. The characteristics of H.L.A. Hart’s rule of recognition are useful to determine the characteristics of human rights practice from the viewpoint of the political conception. Also, they help to overcome some of the problems typically faced by the political conception, such as whether there is only one practice or many, whether the notion of human rights becomes too contingent on the way the world is currently organised, how agents can violate content-changing practices, or how reliance on current states of affairs leaves room for criticism of those states of affairs.


Author(s):  
Justine Lacroix

This chapter examines a number of key concepts in Hannah Arendt's work, with particular emphasis on how they have influenced contemporary thought about the meaning of human rights. It begins with a discussion of Arendt's claim that totalitarianism amounts to a destruction of the political domain and a denial of the human condition itself; this in turn had occurred only because human rights had lost all validity. It then considers Arendt's formula of the ‘right to have rights’ and how it opens the way to a ‘political’ conception of human rights founded on the defence of republican institutions and public-spiritedness. It shows that this ‘political’ interpretation of human rights is itself based on an underlying understanding of the human condition as marked by natality, liberty, plurality and action, The chapter concludes by reflecting on the so-called ‘right to humanity’.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-208
Author(s):  
Halili Halili

This article was aimed at (1) discovering and constructing the political dynamics in formulating the Law of the Court of Human Rights; (2) analyzing its implication on the future of politic of Human Rights in Indonesia. This essay was a result of content analysis research with qualitative-comparative approach. The finding showed that (1) substantively, the formulation of Law No. 26 Year 2000 on Human Rights Court has fundamental weaknesses such as a partial adaptation of The Roma Statute, the course of human rights court was constructed weak by stating its authority only on investigation, whereas attorney General's Office authority on investigation lacks of detail prescription, deleting the responsibility of command such as those on the Rome Statute, etc. A lot of lacks indicate that the law was only an instrument of transitional authority. The ‘toothless’ law indicates the victory of the old regime in political battlement and tension with the new regime in reformation era. The politicization of handling of human rights violation before the release of the law of Court on which the Representative People Council has authority to propose but the decision maker is the President by Presidential Decree. 2) the political dynamic has an implication on two long term situations, hoarding impunity and the crises of human rights values.   


1970 ◽  
pp. 48-49
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

Women are entitled to the equal enjoyment and protection of all human rights in the political, economic, social, cultural, civic and other domains. These rights include, inter alia, the right to life, equality, liberty and security of the person; equal protection under the law; freedom from discrimination; the highest attainable standard of mental and physical health; just and favourable conditions of work; and freedom from torture and other cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Heidi Dowall

<p>State crimes such as the violation of human rights eclipse all other forms of violent crime in scale and seriousness. International agents can play a key role in challenging state crimes and building the necessary supports for human rights to progress. However, the political climate of realpolitik, which bases decision-making on state-interest rather than moral premise, significantly complicates any international interventions. Against this backdrop, human rights are often compromised to fulfill economic, strategic or political motives, giving rise to cultures of mistrust.  The case of Myanmar presents an opportunity to advance thinking about preventing state crimes and the ‘costs’ associated with advancing human rights norms. Transitioning states like Myanmar, where the military maintain a dominant role in government, demonstrate that human rights must be flexibly engaged. This thesis shows that while human rights played a key role in catalysing the transition, they became a liability once the transition began. In this context, internationals saw that human rights reform depends upon building relationships and creating opportunities for the redistribution of power and legitimacy through compliance rather than coercion, especially given the role of the military. This requires a long-term strategy by internationals that is socio-culturally responsive and politically attuned.</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-287
Author(s):  
YANN ALLARD-TREMBLAY

AbstractThis paper offers a revised political conception of human rights informed by legal pluralism and epistemic considerations. In the first part, I present the political conception of human rights. I then argue for four desiderata that such a conception should meet to be functionally applicable. In the rest of the first section and in the second section, I explain how abstract human rights norms and the practice of specification prevent the political conception from meeting these four desiderata. In the last part of the paper, I argue that full-fledged tolerance in the international order – that is tolerance-as-non-intervention and tolerance-as-respect – should be attached to (1) compliance withjus cogensnorms and to; (2a) a political community recognizably organized as a community of inquiry that is; (2b) committed to the specification and incorporation or expression of the idea of human rights within its local legal system.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Matthew Liao ◽  
Adam Etinson

What are human rights? According to one longstanding account, the Naturalistic Conception of human rights, human rights are those that we have simply in virtue of being human. In recent years, however, a new and purportedly alternative conception of human rights has become increasingly popular. This is the so-called Political Conception of human rights, the proponents of which include John Rawls, Charles Beitz, and Joseph Raz. In this paper we argue for three claims. First, we demonstrate that Naturalistic Conceptions of human rights can accommodate two of the most salient concerns that proponents of the Political Conception have raised about them. Second, we argue that the theoretical distance between Naturalistic and Political Conceptions is not as great as it has been made out to be. Finally, we argue that a Political Conception of human rights, on its own, lacks the resources necessary to determine the substantive content of human rights. If we are right, not only should the Naturalistic Conception not be rejected, the Political Conception is in fact incomplete without the theoretical resources that a Naturalistic Conception characteristically provides. These three claims, in tandem, provide a fresh and largely conciliatory perspective on the ongoing debate between proponents of Political and Naturalistic Conceptions of human rights.


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