Evaluating international mediated public diplomacy efforts to promote women’s rights in the Arab world through in-depth analysis of social media: a comparative study of the BBC, Aljazeera, Al-Arabiya, Russia Today, and France24

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Hamed Al-Hasni
Author(s):  
Boutheina Ben Hassine

This article is a review of the dynamics of the evolution of feminist movements in Tunisia starting in the third decade of the 20th century. These movements took advantage of the influence of the Nahda movement in the 19th century, which prompted the Arab world to modernize education and to involve women mainly in vocational education. The executives of the patriarchal society encouraged polygamy, while the French Protectorate and the Catholic Church targeted Tunisian women as a means of spreading French culture. In the 1920s, the national focus was on the education of women and encouraging their presence in the public space. When journalist Tahar Haddad wrote in favor of abandoning the veil, many nationalists (including President Habib Bourguiba) refused his idea, as the veil was seen as a symbol of Tunisian cultural identity, one transmitted specifically by women. This controversy over the veil is considered the beginning of Tunisian nationalism. By the 1930s, Tunisian women were no longer a central object of polemics and political discussion. They created new feminist associations: The Muslim Women’s Union of Tunisia (1936–1955), the Union of Tunisian Women (1944–1963), and the Union of Tunisian Girls (1945–1963). These associations worked within Tunisian society to help women overcome poverty, economic doldrums, and war, and they participated in Tunisia’s war of independence. Meanwhile, President Bourguiba focused on women in the struggle to modernize the country following independence. The achievement of personal status on August 13, 1956, was a revolutionary event in Africa. The National Union of Women of Tunisia became the machine of President Bourguiba, the “supreme fighter,” to educate women, control birth rates, and build the image of the Tunisian nation. Several women, including Radhia Haddad and Fathia Mzali, were involved in implementing this Bourguibian policy. But this policy led to difficulties—essentially, Bourguiba’s eventual return to a conservative and patriarchal model. The economic crisis of the 1970s deeply affected women, especially female workers in the textile industry. Intellectuals created the Tahar Haddad Club as a response to the hardening of the political regime and the Islamization of society. University women mobilized to create the Association of Tunisian Academic Women for Research and Development (TAWRD), with the motto of equal opportunities for men and women. After Zine El Abidine Ben Ali demolished the Bourguibian regime, he instituted a feminist policy to gain political legitimacy. He encouraged women ministers to promote women’s rights in the Ministry of Social Affairs. Ben Ali’s policy also redefined the prerogatives of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Children. His quest for legitimacy over his predecessor led him to undertake a major reform of the Code of Personal Status (CPS). The Ministry of Women, Family, and Children put more attention into studies and research on women by creating the CREDIF (Center for Research, Documentation, and Information on Women). But all these measures did not prevent Ben Ali’s regime from being fascist. The 2011 Revolution has been of great benefit for women’s rights, despite the rise of religious conservatism and radicalism, because it allowed parity in electoral lists and criminalized violence against women. Feminist associations doubled in number and multiplied actions for equality. More recently, from 2014–2019, the president of the republic, Beji Caid Essebssi, created a committee to enact laws on equality in matters of succession.


Significance Although this remains against the law, he said police enforcement could lead to a "wide-scale negative reaction". An ongoing Iranian conversation about economic and political women’s rights has gained more attention since 2017, through the global #metoo movement. Impacts Gradual changes to social realities are more likely than revised legislation on women’s rights. Social media will be the dominant method of spreading the Iranian feminist agenda. Momentum created by economic discontent could be used by the women’s movement to question the status quo.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Zeenat Haroon

Before the advent of Islam, world was filled with darkness and humanity was dislocated. Under these circumstances in the Arab world no one can comprehend each other. By hook or by crook wealthy people ruled the poor. The Poor were weak and considered rightful for punishment. They were subservience to the ruling class. Inspite of her frailty women situation was awful and being treated badly in all her relationship as mothers, sister, daughter and wives. In this article I have written about the situation of women before the advent of Islam and depict the status and value of women after Islam that how Islam raises women's position as a mother, sister, daughter and wife and as a human. Islam declared women's rights, her respect and her importance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-448
Author(s):  
Amaney Jamal ◽  
Irfan Nooruddin

Abstract Historically Arab regimes have played critical roles in securing women’s rights in their societies. Yet regimes remain concerned about domestic, especially Islamist and traditionalist, reactions to women’s rights. When regimes feel they can overcome this resistance they honor commitments to women’s rights. When they fear more domestic opposition they renege. This article argues that Arab regimes are less likely to resist domestic opposition to women’s rights when US military presence increases in the region. The authors test the argument using cross-national data including an original expert-coder scale of Islamist power, and estimate an instrumental variable model to allay concerns of endogeneity. A case study of Jordan explicates their causal argument. The results are robust to different measures of Islamist strength and to different estimation techniques. Understanding this unintended consequence of US military deployments to the Arab world is important for future analysis of female empowerment in the Arab world.


1970 ◽  
pp. 10-12
Author(s):  
Nawaf Kabbara

The question of “Women with Disability” is related to two subjects simultaneously. The first deals with the issue of women’s rights whilst the other deals with the problem of disability and its impact on the identity of the person with a disability. Whereas the literature has lately become quite rich in research and articles about the condition of women and the different aspects of feminist strategies, accomplishments and the empowerment of women, the question of disabled women is still rare and very underdeveloped. As far as the Arab world is concerned, most of its literature deals with disability as a medical and rehabilitation issue given the fact that these writings are being presented by professionals working in the field.


2022 ◽  
pp. 205943642110608
Author(s):  
Janet Hui Xue

Social media platforms (SMPs) generate revenue from the automatic propertisation of data contributed by users (i.e. they process these data algorithmically to feed products and services they sell to other customers, especially advertisers). This comparative study of the UK and China builds on key law and policy documents as well as in-depth interviews with 25 experts. We find that neither the human rights–based regulatory approach in the UK nor the impact-based approach of China provides users with economically meaningful forms of redress for harm suffered due to insufficient protection of their rights as data subjects. The study reveals the reasons for this: (1) by analysing data subjects’ rights in data protection law and establishing whether these rights preserve the economic interests of data subjects pertaining to their data; (2) by spelling out the conditions under which users can exercise their rights and (3) through an in-depth analysis of the existing mechanisms, which are not suitable to protect data subjects’ economic interests during automatic propertisation. This also helps us to understand the social impacts of China’s recently approved Personal Information Protection Law. Finally, it suggests two possible ways to improve the balance between the economic interests of data controllers and data subjects.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 84-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoda Elsadda

On March 8, 2011, Egyptian women took to the streets to celebrate International Women’s Day, in response to a call that was sent out on Facebook for a million-person women’s march. Since January 25, 2011, Egypt had witnessed a momentous transformation in protest culture and power, wherein millions of people took to the streets to demand their political rights. Surprising to many, though, was the marked hostility and violence that was unleashed against women protesters, as they were harassed and shouted at by groups of men who gathered around them. They were accused of following western agendas, and of going against cultural values. Among the many reasons for this turn of events, this essay argues that one of the key obstacles that women’s rights activists will face in the months and years to come is a prevalent public perception that associates women’s rights activists and their activities with the ex-First Lady, Suzanne Mubarak, and her entourage—that is, with corrupt regime politics in collusion with imperialist agendas.


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