A Delicate Balancing Act

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-448
Author(s):  
Amaney Jamal ◽  
Irfan Nooruddin

Abstract Historically Arab regimes have played critical roles in securing women’s rights in their societies. Yet regimes remain concerned about domestic, especially Islamist and traditionalist, reactions to women’s rights. When regimes feel they can overcome this resistance they honor commitments to women’s rights. When they fear more domestic opposition they renege. This article argues that Arab regimes are less likely to resist domestic opposition to women’s rights when US military presence increases in the region. The authors test the argument using cross-national data including an original expert-coder scale of Islamist power, and estimate an instrumental variable model to allay concerns of endogeneity. A case study of Jordan explicates their causal argument. The results are robust to different measures of Islamist strength and to different estimation techniques. Understanding this unintended consequence of US military deployments to the Arab world is important for future analysis of female empowerment in the Arab world.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miftakhul Huda ◽  
Eko Purnomo

This study seeks to identify the basic values of humanity presented in the Indonesian language textbook used in Junior High Schools. This study used a qualitative approach, with a textbook as a case study (specifically the Indonesian language textbook for the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades). The data considered took the form of words, phrase, sentences, discourse, and pictures showing the basic values of humanity. Data was collected a questionnaire which was subsequently analyzed. First, data were firstly classified according to the taxonomy and characteristic. Then codes were assigned to the different classifications. Then referential comparison techniques were used to measure the structure of basic values of humanity in the textbooks. This was followed by the construction of a basic pattern and the validation of the data. The research identified fifteen main points, they were scientific perspective, materials concept explication, curriculum relevance, interesting, increasing motivation, stimulating students’ activities, illustrative, understandable, supporting the other subjects, respecting individual differences, stabilizing values, protecting men and women’s rights, appreciation towards achievements, supporting freedom of speech, and respecting the essence of human being. From those fifteen main points, four points need to be improved, they are: stimulating students’ activities, illustrative, protecting men and women’s rights, and supporting freedom of speech. Keywords: humanity values, textbook, Indonesian language


Author(s):  
Boutheina Ben Hassine

This article is a review of the dynamics of the evolution of feminist movements in Tunisia starting in the third decade of the 20th century. These movements took advantage of the influence of the Nahda movement in the 19th century, which prompted the Arab world to modernize education and to involve women mainly in vocational education. The executives of the patriarchal society encouraged polygamy, while the French Protectorate and the Catholic Church targeted Tunisian women as a means of spreading French culture. In the 1920s, the national focus was on the education of women and encouraging their presence in the public space. When journalist Tahar Haddad wrote in favor of abandoning the veil, many nationalists (including President Habib Bourguiba) refused his idea, as the veil was seen as a symbol of Tunisian cultural identity, one transmitted specifically by women. This controversy over the veil is considered the beginning of Tunisian nationalism. By the 1930s, Tunisian women were no longer a central object of polemics and political discussion. They created new feminist associations: The Muslim Women’s Union of Tunisia (1936–1955), the Union of Tunisian Women (1944–1963), and the Union of Tunisian Girls (1945–1963). These associations worked within Tunisian society to help women overcome poverty, economic doldrums, and war, and they participated in Tunisia’s war of independence. Meanwhile, President Bourguiba focused on women in the struggle to modernize the country following independence. The achievement of personal status on August 13, 1956, was a revolutionary event in Africa. The National Union of Women of Tunisia became the machine of President Bourguiba, the “supreme fighter,” to educate women, control birth rates, and build the image of the Tunisian nation. Several women, including Radhia Haddad and Fathia Mzali, were involved in implementing this Bourguibian policy. But this policy led to difficulties—essentially, Bourguiba’s eventual return to a conservative and patriarchal model. The economic crisis of the 1970s deeply affected women, especially female workers in the textile industry. Intellectuals created the Tahar Haddad Club as a response to the hardening of the political regime and the Islamization of society. University women mobilized to create the Association of Tunisian Academic Women for Research and Development (TAWRD), with the motto of equal opportunities for men and women. After Zine El Abidine Ben Ali demolished the Bourguibian regime, he instituted a feminist policy to gain political legitimacy. He encouraged women ministers to promote women’s rights in the Ministry of Social Affairs. Ben Ali’s policy also redefined the prerogatives of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Children. His quest for legitimacy over his predecessor led him to undertake a major reform of the Code of Personal Status (CPS). The Ministry of Women, Family, and Children put more attention into studies and research on women by creating the CREDIF (Center for Research, Documentation, and Information on Women). But all these measures did not prevent Ben Ali’s regime from being fascist. The 2011 Revolution has been of great benefit for women’s rights, despite the rise of religious conservatism and radicalism, because it allowed parity in electoral lists and criminalized violence against women. Feminist associations doubled in number and multiplied actions for equality. More recently, from 2014–2019, the president of the republic, Beji Caid Essebssi, created a committee to enact laws on equality in matters of succession.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Zeenat Haroon

Before the advent of Islam, world was filled with darkness and humanity was dislocated. Under these circumstances in the Arab world no one can comprehend each other. By hook or by crook wealthy people ruled the poor. The Poor were weak and considered rightful for punishment. They were subservience to the ruling class. Inspite of her frailty women situation was awful and being treated badly in all her relationship as mothers, sister, daughter and wives. In this article I have written about the situation of women before the advent of Islam and depict the status and value of women after Islam that how Islam raises women's position as a mother, sister, daughter and wife and as a human. Islam declared women's rights, her respect and her importance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelia Hyndman-Rizk

AbstractAmid an enduring political deadlock in Parliament, the first civil marriage contracted in Lebanon in 2013 received significant media coverage in a country where the personal status law of eighteen recognized religious sects governs marriage. This case study examines the debate on civil marriage reform and the implications for women’s rights in Lebanon. For advocates, the recognition of civil marriage legalizes interreligious marriages, strengthens secular citizenship, shifts the jurisdiction of marriage from religious to civil law, and ensures women’s rights. Opponents, meanwhile, fear the loss of religious autonomy, the transformation of self-identification in Lebanon from sect to nation, and the destabilization of the confessional system. To date, civil marriage reform has been incremental, given clerical and social opposition, but the winds of change are blowing as couples increasingly take matters into their own hands to reform Lebanon’s system of personal status from the ground up.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (03) ◽  
pp. 535-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsay J. Benstead

ABSTRACTSurvey research has expanded in the Arab world since the 1980s. The Arab Spring marked a watershed when surveying became possible in Tunisia and Libya, and researchers added additional questions needed to answer theoretical and policy questions. Almost every Arab country now is included in the Arab Barometer or World Values Survey. Yet, some scholars express the view that the Arab survey context is more challenging than that of other regions or that respondents will not answer honestly, due to authoritarianism. I argue that this position reflects biases that assume “Arab exceptionalism” more than fair and objective assessments of data quality. Based on cross-national data analysis, I found evidence of systematically missing data in all regions and political regimes globally. These challenges and the increasing openness of some Arab countries to survey research should spur studies on the data-collection process in the Middle East and beyond.


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