A significant periphery of the Cold War: Italy-China bilateral relations, 1949–1989

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrico Fardella
1995 ◽  
Vol 142 ◽  
pp. 317-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Mohan Malik

In September 1993, China and India signed an agreement “to maintain peace and tranquillity” along their disputed Himalayan border. This agreement between the two Asian giants – which required both sides to respect the Line of Actual Control (LAC), that is to maintain the status quo pending a peaceful, final boundary settlement and to reduce military forces along the border in accordance with the principle of “mutual and equal security” – has been described as a “landmark agreement” and “a significant step forward” in their uneasy relations since the 1950s. It was a logical culmination of a series of developments since the late 1980s, especially the visit of India's Premier to Beijing in 1988 and the reciprocal visit of China's Premier to New Delhi in 1991; the end of the Cold War and the bipolar system following the Soviet collapse; the consequent dramatic changes in the global strategic environment; and the overall improvement in bilateral relations between China and India.However, the fact that Sino-Indian relations today seem to be better than at any time during the last four decades should not lead one to assume that all the hurdles in the relationship have been overcome. This article examines the factors underlying the current détente, and analyses Indian and Chinese perspectives on their bilateral relations as well as the wider post-Cold War Asian security environment. It concludes that a thaw in Sino-Indian relations notwithstanding, the two sides are poised for rivalry for regional dominance and influence in the multipolar world of the 21st century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 147 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-635
Author(s):  
Ewa Pałasz-Rutkowska

Bilateral relations between Poland and Japan were generally friendly since the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), throughout the entire interwar era, after the government of Japan recognized independent Poland after WWI (on 6 March 1919), and even during WWII. What was seen as important was a mutual support on the international arena during international conflicts (such as those in Upper Silesia, Manchuria, etc.) and especially military and espionage cooperation. How did the Cold War influence Polish-Japanese relations? Did the relations, which were until that time friendly, play a role in this period – a time of trouble for the entire world? The author tries to answer these questions, relying on selected and important events and issues from the period of the Cold War (until 1989).


Author(s):  
Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail ◽  
Maiko Ichihara ◽  
Amalin Sabiha Ismail

This article addresses a neglected area in Japan–Malaysia bilateral relations: democracy support. While Japan has established itself as a rising democracy supporter after the Cold War and more so in the 21st century, the country has provided Malaysia with only regime-compatible low-end assistance. Maintaining distance from pro-democracy actors, Japan continued giving de facto support to the semi-authoritarian government in Malaysia before the 2018 general election. There are two main causes: First, Japan emphasized democracy in its diplomacy with the intention of expanding its international influence and differentiate its diplomacy from that of China, rather than to promote democracy out of normative commitment. With a view to obtaining respect from and strengthening relations with state actors, Japan sought to nurture friendly relations with the Malaysian government despite its semi-authoritarian nature. Second, Japan saw elections as the most critical institution for democracy and did not intend to address the weak civil liberties in Malaysia. These two factors led Japanese projects to focus on the capacity building of public administrators as state actors rather than pushing for political change. Hence, Japan’s diplomacy and foreign aid to Malaysia have helped stabilize the status quo instead of supporting democratic diffusion.


Author(s):  
Sergey Osipov

The subject of this research is the image of the USSR/Russia resembles in the popular animated TV series “The Simpsons” throughout the past 30 years, considering the method of translating information inserted in the media text, as well as the complexity/simplicity of decoding this information by the viewer, ambiguity/unambiguity of interpretations, etc. The TB series touched upon the following topics related to the USSR/Russia: immigration to the United States and life of the immigrants in the new homeland, the Cold War, Communism and anti-Communism, Russian culture, Russia as a rival of the United States. The author traces the dynamics, diversity, and specificity of covering Soviet/Russian theme for over 30 years in the context of the dynamics of relations between the Soviet Union/Russia and the West, including political, social, cultural, and other nuances. The author carries out a cross-disciplinary dedicated to the work of popular culture in the context of political history of the XX – early XX centuries. The novelty consists in revealing the main themes of the “Russian presence” in the TV series (based on the analysis of almost 700 episodes), and the way they are conveyed (leveling the established stereotypes or their debunking for the sake of countering manipulations with public sentiment). Impugning the statement that ideology of “The Simpsons” is purely neoliberal, the author draws a more complex and critical worldview of “The Simpsons” in with regards to American society. Russia holds a special place in this world due to complicated bilateral relations since the Cold War, which consequences are yet to be fully overcome. An ineradicable remnant of the Cold War is the link between Russia and Communism, in which “Communism” is a synonym of any dissenting view. Russia is also associated with a rich, although highbrow culture, unattractive to most of the ordinary citizens. The main satirical idea of “The Simpsons” is to emphasize the cultural dissonance, which intensifies the difficulties of mutual understanding based on political confrontation and remaining ideological prejudices.


2021 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-144
Author(s):  
Daniel Macfarlane

Prior to 1945, General Andrew George Latta McNaughton had already made a name for himself as an army general, engineer, inventor, and cabinet minister. After 1945, McNaughton occupied a number of key international roles for Canada: at the United Nations, on the Permanent Joint Board on Defence, and on the International Joint Commission. Even though he became one of Canada’s most important diplomatic actors during the early Cold War period, this aspect of his career has been mostly ignored by international historians. This article examines McNaughton’s key involvement in the evolution of a number of Canada–US water megaprojects, arguing that his nationalism underpinned his approach to bilateral relations, which combined deep technical expertise with a willingness to publicly assert the Canadian national interest. McNaughton’s approach should be studied not only to better understand North American environmental diplomacy in the Cold War but also to draw from it several lessons for contemporary times.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (02) ◽  
pp. 37-47
Author(s):  
Rahat Shah

This study explores the bilateral relationship between Pakistan and Turkey during the Cold War, in which the bilateral relationship had developed gradually. To understand why it had developed? We must transcend cultural and religious factors. The study argues that the development of bilateral relations was mainly due to the interest of the Western Allies and the strategic consensus between Islamabad and Ankara. Although the Cold War was dominated by bipolarity, in which two superpowers pursued their power and influence globally including the Middle East, it is by no means that other regional powers acted nothing role. Turkey had played a central role in getting Pakistan to join the regional pact, which was in West's strategic interest. Besides, Pakistan and Turkey stood out prominently in terms of the strategic consensus since 1965. Strategic consensus between them has helped to forge cooperation on key issues such as Kashmir and Cyprus. Our analysis shows that relationship between the two countries was caused by these two factors, in which cultural and religious factors are either ineffective or have little impact.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-54
Author(s):  
Natalia Viakhireva

This article explores the state of Russia-Canada relations 2014-2020, and identifies areas where cooperation is possible. The bilateral relations are deeply affected by the overall crisis in Russia-West relations, and are at the lowest point since the end of the Cold war. The war of sanctions and accusatory rhetoric by officials from the both sides have come to the forefront. However a “niche cooperation” between Russia and Canada is possible in the areas where both sides can find common interests. Cooperation on non-political issues, using instruments of alternatives diplomacies: track-2 diplomacy, paradiplomacy, business diplomacy and parliamentary diplomacy, are all viable approaches, and provide the potential for a positive experience of interaction in the period of crisis. One of the most promising dimensions of Russia-Canada cooperation is interaction in the Arctic region in bilateral and multilateral frameworks.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document