scholarly journals Japan’s Democracy Support as a Regime Stabilizer: The Case of Malaysia

Author(s):  
Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail ◽  
Maiko Ichihara ◽  
Amalin Sabiha Ismail

This article addresses a neglected area in Japan–Malaysia bilateral relations: democracy support. While Japan has established itself as a rising democracy supporter after the Cold War and more so in the 21st century, the country has provided Malaysia with only regime-compatible low-end assistance. Maintaining distance from pro-democracy actors, Japan continued giving de facto support to the semi-authoritarian government in Malaysia before the 2018 general election. There are two main causes: First, Japan emphasized democracy in its diplomacy with the intention of expanding its international influence and differentiate its diplomacy from that of China, rather than to promote democracy out of normative commitment. With a view to obtaining respect from and strengthening relations with state actors, Japan sought to nurture friendly relations with the Malaysian government despite its semi-authoritarian nature. Second, Japan saw elections as the most critical institution for democracy and did not intend to address the weak civil liberties in Malaysia. These two factors led Japanese projects to focus on the capacity building of public administrators as state actors rather than pushing for political change. Hence, Japan’s diplomacy and foreign aid to Malaysia have helped stabilize the status quo instead of supporting democratic diffusion.

1995 ◽  
Vol 142 ◽  
pp. 317-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Mohan Malik

In September 1993, China and India signed an agreement “to maintain peace and tranquillity” along their disputed Himalayan border. This agreement between the two Asian giants – which required both sides to respect the Line of Actual Control (LAC), that is to maintain the status quo pending a peaceful, final boundary settlement and to reduce military forces along the border in accordance with the principle of “mutual and equal security” – has been described as a “landmark agreement” and “a significant step forward” in their uneasy relations since the 1950s. It was a logical culmination of a series of developments since the late 1980s, especially the visit of India's Premier to Beijing in 1988 and the reciprocal visit of China's Premier to New Delhi in 1991; the end of the Cold War and the bipolar system following the Soviet collapse; the consequent dramatic changes in the global strategic environment; and the overall improvement in bilateral relations between China and India.However, the fact that Sino-Indian relations today seem to be better than at any time during the last four decades should not lead one to assume that all the hurdles in the relationship have been overcome. This article examines the factors underlying the current détente, and analyses Indian and Chinese perspectives on their bilateral relations as well as the wider post-Cold War Asian security environment. It concludes that a thaw in Sino-Indian relations notwithstanding, the two sides are poised for rivalry for regional dominance and influence in the multipolar world of the 21st century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (02) ◽  
pp. 37-47
Author(s):  
Rahat Shah

This study explores the bilateral relationship between Pakistan and Turkey during the Cold War, in which the bilateral relationship had developed gradually. To understand why it had developed? We must transcend cultural and religious factors. The study argues that the development of bilateral relations was mainly due to the interest of the Western Allies and the strategic consensus between Islamabad and Ankara. Although the Cold War was dominated by bipolarity, in which two superpowers pursued their power and influence globally including the Middle East, it is by no means that other regional powers acted nothing role. Turkey had played a central role in getting Pakistan to join the regional pact, which was in West's strategic interest. Besides, Pakistan and Turkey stood out prominently in terms of the strategic consensus since 1965. Strategic consensus between them has helped to forge cooperation on key issues such as Kashmir and Cyprus. Our analysis shows that relationship between the two countries was caused by these two factors, in which cultural and religious factors are either ineffective or have little impact.


InterConf ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 218-227
Author(s):  
Aida Baghirova

The end of the Cold War and decline of the bipolar structure of the international relations led to significant changes of the foreign policy strategy and tactic of a large number of countries. During the late 1990’s, especially after the Gulf War, new approaches in relation with the neighbouring countries were being shaped in the regional policy of Iraq and Turkey. After the 2003 War and the post-war years the relations between two countries developed successfully in many spheres despite the existing problems. This became largely possible due to diversification of foreign policy of Iraq and Turkey: the first lost the status of one of the leading states of the region, and the second was confirmed in the status of the leader of the Middle East. The article considers bilateral relations after the war in 2003 and until 2010’s.


Author(s):  
Jenny Andersson

Alvin Toffler’s writings encapsulated many of the tensions of futurism: the way that futurology and futures studies oscillated between forms of utopianism and technocracy with global ambitions, and between new forms of activism, on the one hand, and emerging forms of consultancy and paid advice on the other. Paradoxically, in their desire to create new images of the future capable of providing exits from the status quo of the Cold War world, futurists reinvented the technologies of prediction that they had initially rejected, and put them at the basis of a new activity of futures advice. Consultancy was central to the field of futures studies from its inception. For futurists, consultancy was a form of militancy—a potentially world altering expertise that could bypass politics and also escaped the boring halls of academia.


2009 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrik Johansson

AbstractUnder Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, the Security Council has the unique authority to make decisions that are binding on member states. However, the lack of a standard definition of what makes a Security Council resolution "a Chapter VII resolution" has caused disagreement regarding the status of several resolutions. This is unfortunate as the international community should never have to doubt whether a Security Council resolution is in fact adopted under Chapter VII or not. It is also unnecessary. This article addresses this problem by proposing a definition of Chapter VII resolutions, based on two criteria referred to as "Article 39 determinations" and "Chapter VII decisions". On the basis of the proposed definition, the article describes and analyses a dramatic increase in the use of Chapter VII during the post-Cold War era. It concludes that as Chapter VII has come to constitute the majority of Security Council resolutions in recent years, the resort to Chapter VII no longer signifies exceptional determination and resolve, which it did during the Cold War; instead Chapter VII today implies business as usual. An appendix lists all Chapter VII resolutions from 1946–2008.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Peacock

Purpose – This paper aims to explore the relationship between childhood, consumption and the Cold War in 1950s America and the Soviet Union. The author argues that Soviet and American leaders, businessmen, and politicians worked hard to convince parents that buying things for their children offered the easiest way to raise good American and Soviet kids and to do their part in waging the economic battles of the Cold War. The author explores how consumption became a Cold War battleground in the late 1950s and suggests that the history of childhood and Cold War consumption alters the way we understand the conflict itself. Design/Methodology/Approach – Archival research in the USA and the Russian Federation along with close readings of Soviet and American advertisements offer sources for understanding the global discourse of consumption in the 1950s and 1960s. Findings – Leaders, advertisers, and propagandists in the Soviet Union and the USA used the same images in the same ways to sell the ethos of consumption to their populations. They did this to sell the Cold War, to bolster the status quo, and to make profits. Originality/Value – This paper offers a previously unexplored, transnational perspective on the role that consumption and the image of the child played in shaping the Cold War both domestically and abroad.


2003 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 241-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Thomson-Wohlgemuth

Abstract This paper describes the status of translation and publication of East German children’s literature during the period of the Cold War. It briefly gives an indication of the high value placed on translation and translators in the socialist regime. Finally it focuses on the main criteria influencing the translation and publication of children’s books with the economic and ideological factors being the most significant and gives brief examples from the East German censorship files.


Author(s):  
Mark Padoongpatt

This chapter explores the blossoming of America's fascination with Thai cuisine during the Cold War. The informal postwar U.S. empire in Thailand vacillated between "hard" and "soft" power, consisting of state-sponsored dictatorships, militarization, modernization projects, and cultural diplomacy. The chapter traces how this neocolonial relationship established circuits of exchange between the two countries, making it possible for thousands of ordinary Americans (non-state actors) to go to Thailand and participate in U.S. global expansion through culinary tourism. Many, especially white women, treated Thai foodways as a window into Thai history and culture and into the psyche of the Thai people. The chapter argues that these culinary tourists constructed an idealized image of Thailand and a neocolonial Thai subject by writing "Siamese" cookbooks and teaching cooking classes to suburban homemakers back in Los Angeles, whetting Americans' appetite for an exotic Other’s cuisine.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Manjari Chatterjee Miller

What is known of rising powers is both sparse and contentious. This chapter discusses the assumptions of rising powers and puts forward an alternate way of understanding them. It shows that all rising powers are not the same, even if their military and economic power is increasing relative to the status quo, and argues that narratives about becoming a great power are an additional element that needs to be considered. It also discusses what great power meant in the late 19th century, during the Cold War, and in post–Cold War eras, and lays out the map of the book. Topics covered in this chapter include the power transition and rising power literature, the role of ideas in foreign policy, and an overview of the perceptions of great power.


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