scholarly journals Russia-Canada Relations in the Period of Crisis, 2014-20

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-54
Author(s):  
Natalia Viakhireva

This article explores the state of Russia-Canada relations 2014-2020, and identifies areas where cooperation is possible. The bilateral relations are deeply affected by the overall crisis in Russia-West relations, and are at the lowest point since the end of the Cold war. The war of sanctions and accusatory rhetoric by officials from the both sides have come to the forefront. However a “niche cooperation” between Russia and Canada is possible in the areas where both sides can find common interests. Cooperation on non-political issues, using instruments of alternatives diplomacies: track-2 diplomacy, paradiplomacy, business diplomacy and parliamentary diplomacy, are all viable approaches, and provide the potential for a positive experience of interaction in the period of crisis. One of the most promising dimensions of Russia-Canada cooperation is interaction in the Arctic region in bilateral and multilateral frameworks.

Author(s):  
O. V. Aleksandrov

This article is devoted to a problem of security of the Arctic region. The author portrays the contemporary state of the Arctic region, indicates changes which happened in the region after the end of "the cold war", analyzes the role which regional and non-regional institutions can play in the security protection of the Arctic, and also focuses attention on the Russian approach to a problem of security of the Arctic.


2021 ◽  
pp. 127-134
Author(s):  
K.N. Suslov ◽  
A.S. Yashchenko ◽  
S.V. Krivaltsevich

The state of the underlying surface has a noticeable effect on the process of emission and propagation of radio waves. The state of the underlying surface is dependent on the value of the complex dielectric permittivity. Usually, the underlying surface is understood as soil or ground medium. The Dobson model is recommended by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) for calculating the dielectric permittivity of moist soils over a wide frequency range. However, this model was developed based on experimental data obtained at frequencies above 1 GHz for soils of the temperate climatic zone. This paper presents the results of measuring the complex dielectric permittivity of the Arctic region soils sample at the frequency range from 1 MHz to 8 GHz. Also, we compared the dielectric permittivity data measured in laboratory conditions and calculated by the Dobson model. It was found that the Arctic soil dielectric permittivity data measured under laboratory conditions and calculated using the Dobson model differ markedly from each other, which indicates the impossibility of using the Dobson model for calculating soil dielectric permittivity of the Arctic region. The data obtained in the laboratories case may be used to estimate the directional characteristics of near-surface emissivity systems, as well as of the ground wave propagation prediction in the Arctic region.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cécile Pelaudeix

Initiated in 2008, the EU’S Arctic policy acknowledges the evolving geo-strategy of the Arctic region and intends to secure the EU’S trade and resource interests as new actors like China enter the Arctic arena. This paper shows that China’s growing assertiveness in the Arctic has impacted upon both EU Arctic policy and EU foreign policy. The new China’s trade interests in the Arctic, in particular the sensitive issue of rare earth elements, have triggered various moves in the EU in terms of trade and cooperation policies. The use of international law gives the EU some leeway to manage legal tensions with China which may still remain in some sectors, and which may also arise in connection with China’s legitimate aspirations in terms of becoming a rule maker as well. On an institutional level, engaging in an ambitious agenda with China also proves that the European External Action Service has gained in efficiency and internal coherence. Finally, this article also shows that the increasing connection of the EU’S Arctic policy with major bilateral relations calls for strengthened EU diplomatic attention in order to respect the principles guiding the EU’S action on the international scene as stated in the Treaty of the European Union, and to avoid a Eurocentric attitude that could undermine the ability of the EU to be a global actor. EU-China cooperation on Arctic issues certainly relies on a strong potential for cooperation, but it also represents additional challenges for the integrated EU Arctic policy that is expected by the end of 2015.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Ananyeva

The Russian Federation has been for several years characterized as having both domestic resources and the corresponding desire to re-establish some of the influences in the international affairs, resembling the ones it used to have during the Soviet times. In this manner, it seeks to re-establish the status not only by military means, but by diplomatic tools as well, which are at the center of this research. To be more concrete, the purpose of this research paper is to map and explain Russian non-military strategies on the Arctic region. The main questions are, therefore, as follows: (a) What is the attitude of the Russian Federation toward the Arctic region? and (b) What are the factors that contribute to this attitude? As indicated by many, the states with political ambitions share conservatism mainly related to economics and relative suspicion toward the well-established multilateral institutions, while preferring bilateral relations or being establishing partners in emerging organizations. Apart from what has been mentioned above, this paper intends to develop such an argument and test it on the particular case of the Arctic region. It, in essence, argues that Russia prefers bilateral approach in case of negotiations over the issues of its core national interests and is inclined to multilateral options in case of soft issue areas. However, although Russian bilateral relations attract sufficient scholarly attention, its presence in multilateral institutions is still an under-researched area. This research paper aims at contributing to global discussion by providing an answer on what is Russian attitude in multilateral institutions and what factors contribute to this behavior. As for the hypothesis, it shall be tested on the empirical data from content analysis of official documents (press releases and governmental statements), provided by the online archive of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-65
Author(s):  
Samra Sarfaraz Khan

The research paper entitled “Political and Economic Development in China and Russia During the Cold War,” focuses on the struggles made by the Chinese and Russian governments during the Cold War years for the improvement of economic situation of the two countries. By addressing such questions as the viability of the economic policies of Russia and China, the paper aims to bring to light the various methods used by the two governments to ensure improvement of the economic condition of the state, as well as of its people. Effort has also been made to draw a critical analysis of the power struggles and confrontations within the two regimes and the influence of the same on the political and economic graph of the two states. The paper, therefore, discusses the political issues within the People’s Republic of China and Russia and the effects of these frictions on the overall political and economic condition of the country. Moreover, the paper is also an attempt to analyze the reasons why Chinese attempts at economic development were more fruitful than the efforts made by their Russian counterparts.


Author(s):  
N. Pankevich

The article deals with the situation of competition for resources (primarily oil and gas) between states, in the Arctic Region. The reasoning is generally based on the assumption that today’s competitive process is mainly shaped and determined by the specificity of the international political system. At present, the founding principle of international environment is the assumption of the state territorial sovereignty that reduces the possibilities of action towards resources, mainly to remote supplies via international trade and territorialisation, i.e. embracing the parcel of interest by the state border and its inclusion into the space guarded by state sovereign authority. In turn, this leads to a crucial increase of the expansion on the sea importance, since the land territory is already delimited among the sovereign polities. For Russian Federation this means that the Arctic Region will acquire the greatest importance in the state territorial strategy. The author further analyses the strategies of Russia’s competitors from Arctic Region and beyond, and finds out that the U.S. strategy is of the principle importance, even though the Arctic does not present a first rank priority for this state. Nevertheless, the politics of the USA is an example of a novel approach to the outer territories that goes beyond the traditional view on international system. This approach is unilateral and is based on a novel reading of the sovereignty concept. The indicating point is not signing the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea that enables the USA to act with lesser need for coordination with other participants of the international system. The instrumental support for this policy is the increasing usage of extraterritorial application of national laws and particular norms. The article provides case analyses of such policies towards resources, companies, international organizations and can be used in the Arctic that presents an ideal place for extraterritorially shaped policy to implement. The article also posits that in Russia the lack of interest toward extraterritoriality of laws is evident, while this could become an effective instrument of the state interest promoting. Acknoledgement. The publication is prepared within the fundamental research project of Ural Branch of Russian Academy of Sciences No. 15-15-6-29 “Perspectives of Arctic Policies: Interests and Strategies of the World Leading States”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Zellen

This article examines the current geopolitical transformation of the Arctic region in response to the interplay of rising great power competition (GPC), the institutional empowerment of Arctic indigenous peoples in domestic and international governing bodies, and the continued polar thaw – issues traditionally discussed separately or in pairs, but not generally all together. It applies classical geopolitical theory to the warming Arctic, finding that the fundamental relationships of Heartland to Rimland, and the isolating buffer of what Mackinder called Lenaland, are in a state of flux, and the once-isolated island chains that dominate the physical geography of the circumpolar Arctic are gaining increasing salience to global security, and must not be overlooked. It examines the political geography of the Arctic and the fundamental importance of its indigenous human terrain, where a future Cold War will either be won or lost.


Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-33
Author(s):  
Min Ye

The COVID-19 pandemic wreaked havoc on China, causing tremendous losses. It also accelerated the trend of power concentration, both within the state and inside the Communist Party. With tensions between the US and China mounting in more areas, bilateral relations dropped to the lowest point since the end of the Cold War. On its periphery, China also saw crises of varying intensity over Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Uyghurs, and the disputed border with India.


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