scholarly journals PAKISTAN-TURKEY RELATIONS DURING COLD WAR DECADES: BEYOND RELIGION AND CULTURAL DIMENSIONS

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (02) ◽  
pp. 37-47
Author(s):  
Rahat Shah
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Dimensions ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Strategic Consensus ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
Religious Factors ◽  
The Cold War

This study explores the bilateral relationship between Pakistan and Turkey during the Cold War, in which the bilateral relationship had developed gradually. To understand why it had developed? We must transcend cultural and religious factors. The study argues that the development of bilateral relations was mainly due to the interest of the Western Allies and the strategic consensus between Islamabad and Ankara. Although the Cold War was dominated by bipolarity, in which two superpowers pursued their power and influence globally including the Middle East, it is by no means that other regional powers acted nothing role. Turkey had played a central role in getting Pakistan to join the regional pact, which was in West's strategic interest. Besides, Pakistan and Turkey stood out prominently in terms of the strategic consensus since 1965. Strategic consensus between them has helped to forge cooperation on key issues such as Kashmir and Cyprus. Our analysis shows that relationship between the two countries was caused by these two factors, in which cultural and religious factors are either ineffective or have little impact.

scholarly journals Japan’s Democracy Support as a Regime Stabilizer: The Case of Malaysia

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail ◽  
Maiko Ichihara ◽  
Amalin Sabiha Ismail
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Public Administrators ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Status ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
State Actors ◽  
The Cold War

This article addresses a neglected area in Japan–Malaysia bilateral relations: democracy support. While Japan has established itself as a rising democracy supporter after the Cold War and more so in the 21st century, the country has provided Malaysia with only regime-compatible low-end assistance. Maintaining distance from pro-democracy actors, Japan continued giving de facto support to the semi-authoritarian government in Malaysia before the 2018 general election. There are two main causes: First, Japan emphasized democracy in its diplomacy with the intention of expanding its international influence and differentiate its diplomacy from that of China, rather than to promote democracy out of normative commitment. With a view to obtaining respect from and strengthening relations with state actors, Japan sought to nurture friendly relations with the Malaysian government despite its semi-authoritarian nature. Second, Japan saw elections as the most critical institution for democracy and did not intend to address the weak civil liberties in Malaysia. These two factors led Japanese projects to focus on the capacity building of public administrators as state actors rather than pushing for political change. Hence, Japan’s diplomacy and foreign aid to Malaysia have helped stabilize the status quo instead of supporting democratic diffusion.

scholarly journals Looking East Again? Malaysia-Japan Relations in the 21st Century

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
YEW MENG LAI
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Historical Overview ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
National Economies ◽  
Strategic Thought ◽  
The Given

This article analyses the trends and developments in Malaysia-Japan relations since its inception in 1957. It begins with a brief historical overview of their bilateral interactions, followed by a scrutiny of the developments and shifting trends, from the early decade of the establishment of official diplomatic relations between independent Malaya and Japan that coincided with the Cold War to the introduction of Malaysia’s Look East Policy (LEP) in the early 1980’s that saw Malaysia-Japan ties taking-off to new and unprecedented heights. In doing so, the article reveals the major impetuses/drivers of their ‘special relationship’, which among others include complementarities in their national economies, perceived sociocultural affinities underpinned by the so-called ‘Asian values’ and idiosyncrasies of key leaders like Mahathir Mohamad, as well as the given regional strategic environment, which contributed to a congruence of strategic thought and mutual interests between the major actors from both countries that led to Malaysia’s admirable relations with Japan before the turn of the 21st century. This article also assesses the contemporary trends in and prospects for their bilateral ties, by identifying the changing dynamics that have brought a qualitative shift in the Malaysia-Japan bilateral relationship which is moving towards strategic partnership and beyond.

The Peacock and the Dragon: How to Grapple with the Rising Global Ambitions of India and China

2010 ◽  
Vol 203 ◽  
pp. 719-724 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emilian Kavalski
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Agency ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Break Up ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
International Interactions ◽  
India And China ◽  
Emergent Dynamics

Coming to terms with the nascent international agency of regional powers with global intentions has become a dominant topic in the study of world affairs. This rash of attention to the emergent dynamics of international interactions has been facilitated by the break-up of the Cold War order which has allowed a number of actors to extend their international roles and outreach. India and China feature prominently among those actors and their agency in global life is subject to a growing public, policy, and scholarly scrutiny.

scholarly journals Multipolarity and the future of economic regionalism

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge F. Garzón
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Adverse Effects ◽  
General Trend ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Centrifugal Forces ◽  
Rising Powers ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Strong Case ◽  
The Cold War

This paper inquires into the effects of an emerging multipolar world upon economic regionalism. While IR scholarship has been making a strong case for the regionalization of world politics after the end of the Cold War, the fact that most of the rising powers are also the sole regional powers of their home regions has led some scholars to argue that the advent of multipolarity can only strengthen this general trend towards a more regionalized international order. In this contribution, I challenge these arguments by proposing an alternative way of thinking about how multipolarity is developing. The implications of this interpretation are that the emergence of multipolarity may actually generate powerful centrifugal forces within regions, which would have adverse effects on well-known forms of complex economic regionalism that diverse regional groupings have been implementing thus far. This applies particularly to the global south, where intraregional economic interdependencies tend to be weak. The proposition is tested through a case study and by examining empirical findings across several world regions.

China-India Relations in the Post-Soviet Era: The Continuing Rivalry

1995 ◽  
Vol 142 ◽  
pp. 317-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Mohan Malik
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China And India ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Status ◽  
Significant Step ◽  
Indian Relations ◽  
The Cold War

In September 1993, China and India signed an agreement “to maintain peace and tranquillity” along their disputed Himalayan border. This agreement between the two Asian giants – which required both sides to respect the Line of Actual Control (LAC), that is to maintain the status quo pending a peaceful, final boundary settlement and to reduce military forces along the border in accordance with the principle of “mutual and equal security” – has been described as a “landmark agreement” and “a significant step forward” in their uneasy relations since the 1950s. It was a logical culmination of a series of developments since the late 1980s, especially the visit of India's Premier to Beijing in 1988 and the reciprocal visit of China's Premier to New Delhi in 1991; the end of the Cold War and the bipolar system following the Soviet collapse; the consequent dramatic changes in the global strategic environment; and the overall improvement in bilateral relations between China and India.However, the fact that Sino-Indian relations today seem to be better than at any time during the last four decades should not lead one to assume that all the hurdles in the relationship have been overcome. This article examines the factors underlying the current détente, and analyses Indian and Chinese perspectives on their bilateral relations as well as the wider post-Cold War Asian security environment. It concludes that a thaw in Sino-Indian relations notwithstanding, the two sides are poised for rivalry for regional dominance and influence in the multipolar world of the 21st century.

scholarly journals Understanding Socialist Television

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabina Mihelj
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Television Studies ◽  
Economic Aspects ◽  
Media Communication ◽  
Methodological Nationalism ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Cold War

This article develops a number of conceptual and methodological proposals aimed at furthering a firmer agenda for the field of socialist television studies. It opens by addressing the issue of relevance of the field, identifying three critical contributions the study of socialist television can make to media, communication and cultural studies. It then puts forward a number of proposals tied to three key issues: strategies of overcoming the Cold War framework that dominates much of existing literature; the importance of a multilayered analysis of socialist television that considers its cultural, political as well as economic aspects; and the ways in which we can challenge the prevalence of methodological nationalism in the field.

scholarly journals To Arm or to Ally? The Patron's Dilemma and the Strategic Logic of Arms Transfers and Alliances

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keren Yarhi-Milo ◽  
Alexander Lanoszka ◽  
Zack Cooper
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Arms Transfers ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Common Security ◽  
Strategic Logic

How do great powers decide whether to provide arms to or form alliances with client states? This “patron's dilemma” revolves around a decision about how to best provide security to clients without becoming entrapped in unwanted conflicts. Strong commitments worsen the risk of entrapment, whereas weak commitments intensify fears of abandonment. This traditional alliance dilemma can be addressed through the provision of arms and alliances. Great power patrons primarily make such decisions on the basis of two factors: first, the extent to which the patron believes it and its client have common security interests; and second, whether the patron believes that its client has sufficient military capabilities to deter its main adversary without the patron's assistance. Patrons assess the degree of shared threat and the local balances of capabilities in determining whether to support their clients with arms, alliances, or both. As demonstrated in the U.S. provision of security goods to Taiwan and Israel during the Cold War, this strategic logic explains how great powers manage the patron's dilemma.

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