Intellectuals and anti-intellectualism in twentieth-century American public discourse

2005 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-41
Author(s):  
Martin Burke
Author(s):  
Robert Holland

This chapter examines the history of Great Britain, the British Commonwealth, and the end of the British Empire in the twentieth century, suggesting that the twentieth century ended in Britain as it began, with the constitutional structure of the United Kingdom a contested and vital subject of public discourse. It concludes that the transitions that characterised the Empire-Commonwealth over the twentieth century were ultimately constrained within the due process of British constitutionalism.


2020 ◽  
pp. 333-355
Author(s):  
Regina Uí Chollatáin

This analysis of content, forums, and writing styles in the Irish language press spans the creation of an Irish reading public in the Irish Revival and Revolutionary period to the literary advances in the mid-twentieth century and the challenges of journalism in a minority language in twenty-first century Ireland. The first Irish language newspaper An Claidheamh Soluis (1899-1932) created a forum for public discourse and literature. Professional recognition aided high standard journalistic practices while provincial periodicals, An Lóchrann (1907), An Crann (1916), An Stoc (1917) and An Branar (1919) also brought new vision to an embryonic Irish language press. Despite a minority reading public, the Irish language print press carved its niche during the twentieth century and the English language press was a valuable ally in creating a modern Irish literature. Transnational journalism re-emerged in the 1980s with Domhnall Mac Amhlaigh’s columns from Liverpool published in the Irish Times. Foinse (1996) and Lá (1980) demonstrate that professional and community journalism had come of age by the end of the twentieth century. A necessary change of direction ensured that online journals, Beo.ie, Nósmag and Gaelscéal flagged a new era in twenty-first century Irish language journalism providing international dimensions.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 625-640
Author(s):  
Marija Šajkaš

We cannot educate our children in the spirit of cosmopolitism, but instruct them to love their homeland instead. We have to put the big ideology in their little heads.Danilo Ž. Marković, Serbian Minister of Education in a speech to school managers of the Banat district, Daily Borba, 19 March 1993The words people use reflect their view of the world. In totalitarian societies the primary goal of a regime's language is to influence public opinion. A closer inspection of the most exploited phrases in Serbian public discourse in the period of the late 1980s until 2000 reveals a strong presence of propagandistic language. Thus, it can be argued that the consequences of Slobodan Milošević's politics are visible not only in the devastation of the people and the country but also in the sphere of Serbian public discourse. It is not only that his politics influenced the language. Rather, it is precisely because of the rich and diversified propaganda language of the regime that Slobodan Milošević's was able to maintain his firm grip on power in Serbia for 13 years.


Author(s):  
Susan Rubin Suleiman

These four short essays, written over a twenty-year period, are pièces de circonstance, each one linked to a specific occasion: the publication of a book by a young author, an op-ed piece for a daily newspaper, a symposium on Israel organized by left-wing Jewish intellectuals, the appearance of a film that would become revered around the world. Beauvoir’s essays here are modest efforts, in two cases simply brief prefaces to a much longer work; but read consecutively, they offer an excellent glimpse into the evolution of French public discourse about the Holocaust and about Israel. They also show Beauvoir’s own unwavering commitment to thinking about the implications and consequences of the major atrocity of the twentieth century, as well as her personal interest in the Jewish state....


2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID REYNOLDS

AbstractThe concept of coming to terms with the past originated in post-1945 West Germany but such historical therapy is evident in all the belligerent countries. In that process, the two world wars are intricately connected, each seen refractively through the prism of the other. This article focuses on Britain whose national obsession with the two world wars is particularly acute. The first and second sections suggest that British public discourse has been able to construct a satisfying narrative of 1939–45 but not of 1914–18, meaning a narrative that has both a clear beginning, middle, and end and also a stark moral meaning. Viable narratives draw on the events themselves, the words used to conceptualize them, and the interpretations of 'instant' histories and memoirs. The third section argues that the elevation of 1939–45 in national discourse as our ‘finest hour’ (Churchill) has aggravated the problematic nature of 1914–18 for the British. In the wake of Brexit, the last section argues that Britain – unlike France and Germany – has found it difficult to move on from the era of the two world wars by locating these conflicts in a more positive narrative of the twentieth century as the eventual triumph of European integration.


Author(s):  
Suranjana Barua ◽  

This paper traces the inception, emergence and relevance of the celebration of a historical figure of Assam – Joymoti – as the Joymoti Utsav (Joymoti Festival). With the first attested public celebration of the festival in Upper Assam in 1914, Joymoti Utsav was a landmark public celebration on multiple counts. Firstly, it created a feminist and nationalist consciousness in the region through its celebration of Joymoti – an Ahom princess; secondly, it marked public support to celebration of an ideal female figure whose qualities and character women were encouraged to aspire to; thirdly, it followed and also spearheaded a socio-cultural movement that found expression in literature and arts including the first Assamese movie Joymoti in 1934; fourthly, it brought together people and organizations in the making of a legacy that gave direction to the feminist movement in Assam thereby establishing it as a major socio-cultural feminist festival of Assam. This paper traces the emergence of this iconic festival in Upper Assam, its role in establishing feminist ideals, carving out a distinct regional history and nurturing national sentiment, its depiction in various literary genres of the 20th century and the current relevance of the festival in Assam. In doing so, the paper locates Joymoti Utsav in a socio-historical perspective in the context of Assam while crediting it with creating a feminist consciousness in the public discourse of early twentieth century Assam.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Ildikó Szántó

Falling birth rates had already been recorded as early as the late-eighteenth century in south-western Hungary in the Ormánság. Population loss from low birth rate remained one of the main topics writers and sociologists focused on in the twentieth century. The issue of Hungarian population decline was highlighted among the social ills in the interwar period, which was one of several subjects that divided intellectuals into ‘populists’ and ‘urbanites’. Following the impact of the low birth rate figures in the 1960s, the populists’ views of the 1930s resurfaced in public discourse in the 1960s and 1970s and up to the present day. The concern about the increasing trend of single-child families in rural settlements as well as in urban areas appeared in the various works of Hungarian writers and journalists throughout the previous century. The present paper intends to focus on the intellectual background to the public debates on the population issue, outlining the accounts of the interwar ‘village explorers’ briefly, and the way they are related to the pre-Second World War populist movement. Finally the reappearance of the debates between populists and non-populists of the 1970s is discussed, a debate that is still continuing.


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