scholarly journals Working class dykes: class conflict in the lesbian/feminist movements in the 1970s

The Sixties ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-289
Author(s):  
Sue Katz
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Feminist Movements

Mary Barton

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Gaskell
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Elizabeth Gaskell ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
The Novel ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Deep Sympathy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Class Community

‘It's the masters as has wrought this woe; it's the masters as should pay for it.’ Set in Manchester in the 1840s - a period of industrial unrest and extreme deprivation - Mary Barton depicts the effects of economic and physical hardship upon the city's working-class community. Paralleling the novel's treatment of the relationship between masters and men, the suffering of the poor, and the workmen's angry response, is the story of Mary herself: a factory-worker's daughter who attracts the attentions of the mill-owner's son, she becomes caught up in the violence of class conflict when a brutal murder forces her to confront her true feelings and allegiances. Mary Barton was praised by contemporary critics for its vivid realism, its convincing characters and its deep sympathy with the poor, and it still has the power to engage and move readers today. This edition reproduces the last edition of the novel supervised by Elizabeth Gaskell and includes her husband's two lectures on the Lancashire dialect.

Digital Platforms, Gig Economy, Precarious Employment, and the Invisible Hand of Social Class

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-600 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carles Muntaner
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Working Conditions ◽  
Invisible Hand ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Precarious Employment ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Digital Platform ◽  
Employment Conditions ◽  
Gig Economy

Digital platform capitalism, as exemplified by companies like Uber or Lyft has the potential to transform employment and working conditions for an increasing segment of the worforce. Most digital economy workers are exposed to the health damaging precarious employment conditions characteristic of the contemporary working class in high income countries. Just as with Guy Standing or Mike Savage’s “precariat” it might appear that digital platform workers are a new social class or that they do not belong to any social class. Yet the class conflict interests (wages, benefits, employment and working conditions, collective action) of digital platform workers are similar to other members of the working class.

Upper Class Bias and Class Conflict in America

The Forum ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Witko
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Science ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Science Studies ◽  
Economic Inequality ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Class Bias

AbstractCompared to other affluent democracies, class conflict has not been very intense nor as much of an organizing principle in American politics. However, as wages stagnate for the working class and economic inequality grows, class conflict is becoming increasingly salient. Yet, reviewing recent political science studies, I argue that rather than politics becoming a clearer class “war” between the upper and lower classes, the growing class bias in political mobilization and participation, and the resulting overrepresentation of upper class actors, has prevented a clear articulation of lower class interests

scholarly journals Narrativity, Narrative Identity, and Social Action: Rethinking English Working-Class Formation

1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret R. Somers
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Narrative Identity ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Working People ◽  
History Of

The nineteenth-century English working class bears a most peculiar burden and embodies a most peculiar paradox. Like Auden’s academic warriors who spar with “smiles and Christian names,” historians, economists, and sociologists have pushed and prodded early nineteenth-century English working people into procrustean political positions to support or disconfirm Marx’s predictions of revolutionary class conflict erupting from the contradictions of capitalism. A Manichaean concern locks the debate into an impasse. Were early nineteenth-century workers revolutionary or reformist? Was there a class struggle in the industrial revolution? The questions remain unresolved. Yet, surely it is the history of English working peoples that has suffered from this burden of praising or burying Marxism through competing interpretations of their early stories?

Religion and Politics

British Gods ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 228-251
Author(s):  
Steve Bruce
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Rapid Rise ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
Deep Roots ◽  
Anti Semitism

In Catholic Europe, progressive and working-class politics have often been anti-religious. In Britain, class conflict was often expressed within, rather than against, Christianity, with the Labour Party having deep roots in dissenting movements such as the Methodists. This chapter details such class connections and associated regional movements (such as the anti-English appeal of the Welsh chapels). It considers Muslim involvement in the Labour Party and the roots of anti-Semitism. The rapid rise and fall of the Christian Party and the Christian People’s Alliance are used to test the electoral popularity of conservative socio-moral positions. An apparent connection between identifying as Church of England and BREXIT-era xenophobia is demonstrated to be largely a matter of nostalgia: regular churchgoers are more likely than nominal identifiers to be pro-European Union and sympathetic to immigrants.

Complexity below, complexity above: Intra-class conflict, immigration imaginaries, and elite alliances in the Arizona–Mexico borderlands

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-265
Author(s):  
Raymond Michalowski ◽  
Frederic I Solop
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Theoretical Approach ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Relational Theory ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Relational Approach

This article develops an interdisciplinary, relational approach to political power as a theoretical framework for analyzing how grassroots immigration activists interact with and influence elites responsible for constructing immigration policy. We illuminate this theoretical approach with examples from ethnographic field research with pro- and anti-immigration grassroots activists in southern Arizona to show how competing narrative frames about the border are used by grassroots actors as part of their efforts to influence elite policy-making. We conclude that shifts in US immigration policy have been shaped by intra-class, racialized, conflicts between pro- and anti-immigration factions within the working class, and vertical alliances between elite factions from above and working-class factions from below. We suggest that the criminology of mobility can be advanced by utilizing an interdisciplinary, relational theory of political power to examine how intra-class struggle and inter-class alliances dynamically shape immigration narratives and policies.

Social Class Identification and Class Interest in Taiwan

2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-41
Author(s):  
Robert Marsh
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
The United States ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Interest Theory ◽  
Weak Support ◽  
Class Interest ◽  
The Social ◽  
Class Identification ◽  
Stratification System

AbstractAre social classes perceived as a meaningful source of identity in Taiwan? I explore this issue with data from a 1992 survey (N = 2,377) of the population of Taiwan. Respondents were asked, "If people in our society are divided into upper, upper middle, middle, lower middle, working and lower classes, which class do you think you belong to?" Ninety-eight per cent placed themselves in one or the other of these six classes. The modal responses were "middle class" (41%) and "working class" (29%). Two tests are made of whether these responses are meaningful and consequential. First, I show that subjective class identification is rooted in respondent's position in the objective stratification system, i.e., the higher one's education, occupation, power and income, the higher the social class with which one identifies. The second test is the extent to which, controlling for one's objective position in the stratification system, subjective class identification has significant net effects on attitudes toward class issues (e.g, whether big enterprises have too much economic and political power). Class interest theory predicts that Taiwanese who identify with the "middle" or higher classes have a more conservative ideology concerning class conflict, while those who think of themselves as "working class" or lower are more likely to believe there is class conflict, to favor collective action by employees against their employer, and to think big enterprises have too much power. Multiple regression analysis provides at best weak support for class interest theory. Subjective class identification has a significant net effect on attitudes toward only two of eight class issues. While the Taiwan respondents are not generally conservative on these class issues, class identification appears to have little to do with whether one is conservative or nonconservative. A serendipitous finding concerns education, which more than any other variable had significant net effects on attitudes toward class issues. It is Taiwan's most educated who are the least conservative on class issues. This finding has parallels with what some observers of Europe and the United States have called the New Class. The paper concludes with a discussion of the reasons why class identification is only weakly consequential for class-relevant beliefs in Taiwan.

Remaking the Polish Working Class: Early Stalinist Models of Labor and Leisure

Slavic Review ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Padraic Kenney
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Active Participation ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Class Conflict

The Stalinist revolution began to accelerate in Poland, as throughout eastern Europe, in 1947, with the implementation of multi-year plans, the repression of opposition and the enforcement of unity in the bloc; by the beginning of 1950, the transformation of the bloc was more or less complete. The construction of the Stalinist system did not occur in a vacuum but was shaped in part by societies, and the regimes which emerged were thus more complex than has been generally acknowledged. That complexity stems in part from Stalinist regimes’ interest in transforming society through mobilization and integration, rather than merely subduing it. Active participation in political and economic life was required; mere acquiescence to the demands of the regime was insufficient; and class conflict was to be eliminated, replaced by an alliance between the working class and its former adversaries.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Donna T. Haverty-Stacke
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Women's History ◽  
Class Identity ◽  
Historical Scholarship ◽  
History Of Religion ◽  
History Of ◽  
Radical History ◽  
Feminist Movements ◽  
Second Wave ◽  
Women’S History

The introduction provides an overview of the study, situates its place within the relevant historiography of biography, working-class and radical history, women’s history, and the history of religion, and articulates its main contributions to these fields. It explains how Carlson’s life illuminates the workings of class identity within the context of various influences over the course of a lifespan, contributes to recent historical scholarship exploring the importance of faith in workers’ lives and politics, and uncovers both the possibilities and limitations for working-class and revolutionary Marxist women in the period between the first- and second-wave feminist movements. It also lays out how the main themes will be covered in the chapters that follow.

Chavista ‘thugs’ vs. opposition ‘civil society’: western media on Venezuela

Race & Class ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 46-64
Author(s):  
Alan MacLeod
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Local Media ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
White Elite ◽  
Western Media

Since the election of Hugo Chavez in 1998, Venezuela has undergone a period of intense racial and class conflict, as a multiethnic subaltern coalition has begun to assert itself politically against a previously hegemonic and inordinately dominant white elite. Scholars have highlighted the local media’s racial and class snobbery when covering social movements and civil society, attempting to split the country into two groups: ‘underclass mobs’ and ‘respectable’ civil society. This article, which analyses media coverage at crucial points of conflict – 1998/9, 2002, 2013 and 2014 – finds that western media have overwhelmingly matched the local media, portraying only the largely dark-skinned working-class chavista groups as vicious ‘mobs’, ‘hordes’ and ‘thugs’, while representing the white, upper-class opposition as ‘civil society’.

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