The emergence of the United Arab Emirates as a global soft power: current strategies and future challenges

Author(s):  
Osman Antwi-Boateng ◽  
Amira Ali Alhashmi
Author(s):  
Adam Krzymowski

This paper presents an analysis of the role and significance of Expo2020 Dubai for UAE soft power in connection with the current and future global strategic challenges. The New World Order that emerged after the fall of the Soviet Union, when President Bush Sr proclaimed a “new world order” at the time of the Gulf War in 1991. Now, we have a stage of global political and economic chaos with no grand winners and a greater number of losers. Fast forward 30 years later, in 2021, we need connecting minds, creating a future that frees the world of wars and political strife, and its promises to eradicate poverty, disease and hunger. The plethora of initiatives may have a positive impact on Asia, but there is also the risk that fierce competition may result in unprofitable projects, while the economic slowdown could cause a decline in funding. Expo2020 Dubai is a great soft power tool, as well as a contribution to the newly emerging international system. Therefore, the researcher put the main question: what is Expo2020 Dubai’ role and significance for UAE soft power strategy and dynamics of international relations. The accepted hypothesis is that Expo2020 Dubai has a great opportunity to be added value for building a new global order.In order to conduct scientific research, the author used many theoretical methods and tools, including the use of neorealist theory, analysis of constellations of interests, or neo-institutional theory. In addition, due to the researcher’s participation in many of the processes studied, the work is also based on personal experience. In this sense, the research study has scientific as well as practical importance. Keywords: Soft Power, Expo 2020 Dubai, International Branding, United Arab Emirates, International Relations.


Author(s):  
Hani Albasoos ◽  
Gubara Hassan ◽  
Sara Al Zadjali

This study reviews the challenges and opportunities encountered by Qatar because of the blockade imposed by the neighboring countries, namely Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, and Egypt. It endeavors to highlight potential scenarios of the crisis. This paper employs a secondary source of information to achieve the objectives, such as books, articles, reports, and academic research, which were later subjected to thematic analysis. The findings of this research reveal that crisis management was an effective strategy implemented by the Qatari Government. It helped Qatari officials to change and transfer the negative impacts to a positive force. The crisis management strategy encouraged Qatar to rely on their local industries, improve education and media institutes, and use Qatar’s soft power internationally. Although 2017 was a challenging year for Qatar due to the crisis, yet the national economy showed an accelerated growth of 5% in the second half of the same year. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 945-963
Author(s):  
Kristin Diwan

Abstract In the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings, the wealthy Gulf states of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates began hosting and establishing associations of influential Islamic scholars. These clerical associations, the Doha-based International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS) and the Abu Dhabi-based Muslim Council of Elders (MCE) and associated peace initiatives, have afforded a platform for more credibly entering into religious and political debates, for cultivating new networks of influence among Muslim publics, and engaging non-Islamic countries and organizations. Drawing upon interviews and primary resources, this study investigates this exercise in religious statecraft, comparing the discourse and policy interventions of these associations, and analysing their improbable challenge to the predominant religious terms set by the traditional heavyweight in the Gulf, Saudi Arabia. It finds that the effectiveness, or resonance, of these religious soft power projects depends upon credibility—their alignment with national religious traditions and policy directions—and positioning—the targeting of particular audiences and stakeholders. It concludes that the UAE holds certain advantages over Qatar in its soft power positioning in the current nationalist moment, as states gain ground over transnational Islamic movements and relations with powers such as India, Russia, China and Israel—all hostile to independent Islamic movements—gain in importance. Policy-makers acknowledging the surprising hard power projection of these small states through military interventions and economic leverage may benefit from this study of their new religious soft power influence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 522-536
Author(s):  
Osman Antwi-Boateng ◽  
Mohammed Binhuwaidin

The Arab-Muslim world is often described negatively as undemocratic, intolerant and economically backward. Rare positive commentary about the region is usually reserved for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states based on the belief that their status as rentier states coupled with immense energy resources has enabled them to escape the failures of the larger region. However, this research posits a United Arab Emirates (UAE) exceptionalism attributed to its internalization of key political, economic and social norms, and the promotion of such norms as a norm entrepreneur. The attractiveness of the UAE's accomplishments in the region has made it worthy of emulation and, thus, a soft power.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 59-72
Author(s):  
Juan R. I. Cole

Green energy investment is one avenue through with the Chinese government is beginning to create a new relationship with the Middle East. Chinese solar panel firms have research and production advantages in the world market, but face rising labor costs at home. The Communist Party under Xi Jinping has pursued two major policies, “Go out!” and “One Road, One Belt.” The first refers to Chinese firms creating factories abroad to benefit from cheap labor and from local low-tariff trade blocs. China will therefore set up solar panel factories in the United Arab Emirates and in Morocco. Both countries have strong national commitments to renewable energy, but also have access to a wide range of export markets. This sort of investment changes China’s relationship to the region from being one of buying hydrocarbons to a much more intensive set of interactions, including acting as employer for local labor.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Panos Kourgiotis

This essay addresses the ideological utilization of religion in the international relations of the United Arab Emirates during the Arab Spring and beyond. By referring to the theoretical framework of public diplomacy and analyzing UAE regional and domestic attitudes, this essay intends to examine the politics of ‘moderate Islam’ in line with: (a) the monarchy’s nation building visions for the 21st century; (b) its national rebranding strategies; (c) its geopolitical empowerment in the Gulf and the Middle East. Throughout our analysis, it is argued that even though ‘moderate Islam’ has been devised for creating ‘soft power’, it serves ‘sharp power’ as well. As will become obvious, this has been mainly the case as far as the containment of Political Islam is concerned.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-228
Author(s):  
Philip Cass

Intercultural Communications as a Clash of Civilisations: Al-Jazeera and Qatar's Soft Power, by Tel Samuel-Azran. New York: Peter Lang, 2016. 172 pages. ISBN 978-1-4331-2264-4 WITH the current stand-off between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and their allies, Samuel-Azran’s book is extremely timely. Launched in 1996, Al-Jazeera now broadcasts on multiple channels and in four languages at a cost of $650 million a year. It reaches 260 million homes in 130 countries.


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