A disproportionate burden: strict voter identification laws and minority turnout

Author(s):  
John Kuk ◽  
Zoltan Hajnal ◽  
Nazita Lajevardi
2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (01) ◽  
pp. 117-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Vercellotti ◽  
David Andersen

Debates over whether to require voters to provide proof of identity at the polls, and just how that can be accomplished, are taking place in legislative chambers and courtrooms across the nation. At the heart of these debates is the balancing act of ballot security versus access to voting. Opponents of voter-identification requirements argue that they place a disproportionate burden on ethnic and racial minorities, the poor, the less educated, the very young, and the very old. Supporters of identification requirements argue the standards are no higher than those required for boarding a plane or cashing a check, and the requirements are needed to prevent voter fraud.


Author(s):  
Lauren C Zalla ◽  
Chantel L Martin ◽  
Jessie K Edwards ◽  
Danielle R Gartner ◽  
Grace A Noppert

Abstract Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is disproportionately burdening racial and ethnic minority groups in the US. Higher risks of infection and mortality among racialized minorities are a consequence of structural racism, reflected in specific policies that date back centuries and persist today. Yet, our surveillance activities do not reflect what we know about how racism structures risk. When measuring racial and ethnic disparities in deaths due to COVID-19, the CDC statistically accounts for the geographic distribution of deaths throughout the US to reflect the fact that deaths are concentrated in areas with different racial and ethnic distributions than that of the larger US. In this commentary, we argue that such an approach misses an important driver of disparities in COVID-19 mortality, namely the historical forces that determine where individuals live, work, and play, and consequently determine their risk of dying from COVID-19. We explain why controlling for geography downplays the disproportionate burden of COVID-19 on racialized minority groups in the US. Finally, we offer recommendations for the analysis of surveillance data to estimate racial disparities, including shifting from distribution-based to risk-based measures, to help inform a more effective and equitable public health response to the pandemic.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332098082
Author(s):  
Scott Cooper ◽  
Kendall W Stiles

Studies of NATO rely heavily on military spending as a fraction of GDP as the key indicator of members’ contribution to the alliance, but a growing number of scholars have challenged this approach. We suggest that each member’s public goods provision is a better measure of commitment to the alliance. In the case of post-Cold War NATO, out-of-area troop deployments (adjusted for population) constitute one of the strongest indicators of a state’s contribution to public goods. Providing troops for NATO missions in Afghanistan, Kosovo, and Bosnia-Herzegovina is one of the clearest signals of high commitment to the alliance. Using deployment data from 2004 to 2018, we show that there is evidence of disproportionate burden-sharing within the alliance. Countries like Slovenia, Denmark, the USA and UK contributed far more to NATO deployments than others like Turkey, Spain, Poland, and Portugal. We also use the data to begin examining possible causes of these disparities. We find that wealthier countries, countries that spend more on their militaries, and newer alliance members are more likely to contribute. Our indicator and first-cut model open avenues for further research on why some members demonstrate higher commitment to NATO than others.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S292-S292
Author(s):  
Vivek Jain ◽  
Lillian B Brown ◽  
Carina Marquez ◽  
Luis Rubio ◽  
Natasha Spottiswoode ◽  
...  

Abstract Background San Francisco implemented one of the earliest shelter-in-place public health mandates in the U.S., with flattened curves of diagnoses and deaths. We describe demographics, clinical features and outcomes of COVID-19 patients admitted to a public health hospital in a high population-density city with an early containment response. Methods We analyzed inpatients with COVID-19 admitted to San Francisco General Hospital (SFGH) from 3/5/2020–5/11/2020. SFGH serves a network of >63,000 patients (32% Latinx/24% Asian/19% African American/19% Caucasian). Demographic and clinical data through 5/18/2020 were abstracted from hospital records, along with ICU and ventilator utilization, lengths of stay, and in-hospital deaths. Results Of 157 admitted patients, 105/157 (67%) were male, median age was 49 (range 19-96y), and 127/157 (81%) of patients with COVID-19 were Latinx. Crowded living conditions were common: 60/157 (38%) lived in multi-family shared housing, 12/1578 (8%) with multigenerational families, and 8/157 (5%) were homeless living in shelters. Of 102 patients with ascertained occupations, most had frontline essential jobs: 23% food service, 14% construction/home maintenance, and 10% cleaning. Overall, 86/157 (55%) of patients lived in neighborhoods home to majority Latinx and African-American populations. Overall, 45/157 (29%) of patients needed ICU care, and 26/157 (17%) required mechanical ventilation; 20/26 (77%) of ventilated patients were successfully extubated, and 137/157 (87%) were discharged home. Median hospitalization duration was 4 days (IQR, 2–10), and only 6/157 (4%) patients died in hospital. Conclusion In San Francisco, where early COVID-19 mitigation was enacted, we report a stark, disproportionate COVID-19 burden on Latinx patients, who accounted for 81% of hospitalizations despite making up only 32% of the patient base and 15% of San Francisco’s total population. Latinx inpatients frequently lived in high-density settings, increasing household risk, and frequently worked essential jobs, potentially limiting the opportunity to effectively distance from others. We also report here favorable clinical outcomes and low overall mortality. However, an effective COVID-19 response must urgently address racial and ethnic disparities. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Biggers ◽  
Michael J. Hanmer

Recently, many states have reversed the decades-long trend of facilitating ballot access by enacting a wave of laws requesting or requiring identification from registrants before they vote. Identification laws, however, are not an entirely new phenomenon. We offer new theoretical insights regarding how changes in political power influence the adoption of identification laws. In the most extensive analysis to date, we use event history analysis to examine why states adopted a range of identification laws over the past several decades. We consistently find that the propensity to adopt is greatest when control of the governor’s office and legislature switches to Republicans (relationships not previously identified), and that this likelihood increases further as the size of Black and Latino populations in the state expands. We also find that federal legislation in the form of the Help America Vote Act seems to enhance the effects of switches in partisan control.


2013 ◽  
Vol 284-287 ◽  
pp. 3070-3073
Author(s):  
Duen Kai Chen

In this study, we report a voting behavior analysis intelligent system based on data mining technology. From previous literature, we have witnessed increasing number of studies applied information technology to facilitate voting behavior analysis. In this study, we built a likely voter identification model through the use of data mining technology, the classification algorithm used here constructs decision tree model to identify voters and non voters. This model is evaluated by its accuracy and number of attributes used to correctly identify likely voter. Our goal is to try to use just a small number of survey questions while maintaining the accuracy rates of other similar models. This model was built and tested on Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) data sets. According to the experimental results, the proposed model can improve likely voter identification rate and this finding is consistent with previous studies based on American National Election Studies.


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