Disraeli and the Millstones

1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley R. Stembridge
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
British Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Crystal Palace ◽  
Mother Country ◽  
New Imperialism ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Financial Burdens ◽  
Manchester School

Of the countless addresses which assailed English eardrums in the nineteenth century, few are more widely remembered in the general histories of Britain and the British Empire than Benjamin Disraeli's celebrated speech at the Crystal Palace on June 24, 1872. There he made a profession of faith in the Empire which is still often said to have marked his conversion from the apathy of an earlier day when he had described the colonies as “a millstone round our necks.” The speech, moreover, is commonly regarded as the great signpost at the start of the highway to the “New Imperialism,” and it is usually credited with having furnished the Tories a popular banner which they subsequently carried into the political arena with outstanding success. The speech has been both praised as “the famous declaration from which the modern conception of the British Empire takes its rise” and condemned as an opportunistic effort to “dish the Whigs,” but friend and foe alike have accorded it a significance which it does not wholly deserve.For many decades historians have harked back to the middle years of the last century as the heyday of anti-imperialism in Britain. This was the period of “Little England,” when many of her leaders — especially the men of the Manchester School — looked with favor on the main doctrine of separatism: cut the colonies loose and let them set up shop for themselves so as to end the financial burdens borne by the mother country. The climax of this movement was supposed to have occurred about 1870, when a sudden imperialist tide swept away all separatist notions.

Who Ran the British Empire 1830-1850?

1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Taft Manning
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
The People ◽  
Mother Country ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colonial Office

Patterns of historical writing are notoriously difficult to change. Much of what is still being written about colonial administration in the nineteenth-century British Empire rests on the partisan and even malicious writings of critics of the Government in England in the 1830s and '40s who had never seen the colonial correspondence and were unfamiliar with existing conditions in the distant colonies. The impression conveyed in most textbooks is that the Colonial Office after 1815 was a well-established bureaucracy concerned with the policies of the mother country in the overseas possessions, and that those policies changed very slowly and only under pressure. Initially Edward Gibbon Wakefield and Charles Buller were responsible for this Colonial Office legend, but it was soon accepted by most of the people who had business to transact there. Annoyed by the fact that the measures proposed by the Wakefield group did not meet with instant acceptance, Wakefield and Buller attacked the Permanent Under-Secretary, James Stephen, as the power behind the throne in 14 Downing Street and assumed that his ideas of right and wrong were being imposed willy-nilly on the unfortunate colonists and would-be colonists.The picture of Stephen as all-powerful in shaping imperial policy was probably strengthened by the publication in 1885 of Henry Taylor's Autobiography. Taylor was one of Stephen's warmest admirers and had served with him longer than anyone else; when he stated that for a quarter of a century Stephen “more than any one man virtually governed the British Empire,” historians were naturally inclined to give credence to his words.

scholarly journals La batalla por la democracia

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERNESTO GANUZA ◽  
Heloise Nez ◽  
Ernesto Morales
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Participatory Budgeting ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Porto Alegre ◽  
Local Participation ◽  
Urban Social Movements ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Set Up

The emergence of new participatory mechanisms, such as participatory budgeting, in towns and cities in recent years, has given rise to a conflict between the old protagonists of local participation and the new citizens invited to participate. These mechanisms offer a logic of collective action different to what has been the usual fare in the cities – one that is based on proposal rather than demand. As a result, it requires urban social movements to transform their own dynamics in order to make room for a new political subject (the citizenry and the non-organised participant) and to act upon a stage where deliberative dynamics now apply. The present article aims to analyse this conflict in three different cities that set up participatory budgeting at different times: Porto Alegre, Cordova and Paris. The associations in the three cities took up a position against the new participatory mechanism and demanded a bigger role in the political arena. Through a piece of ethnographic research, we shall see that the responses of the agents involved (politicians, associations and citizens) in the three cities share some arguments, although the conflict was resolved differently in each of them. The article concludes with reflections on the consequences this conflict could have for contemporary political theory, especially with respect to the role of associations in the processes of democratisation and the setting forth of a new way of doing politics by means of deliberative procedures.

Literary Contributions of Catholics in Nineteenth-Century Mexico

1944 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-66
Author(s):  
Francis Borgia Steck
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Contemporary Literature ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Science And Education ◽  
Real Importance ◽  
The Temple

A Phase of American history that calls for a more adequate appraisal is the role played by Catholics in the cultural life of Mexico during the nineteenth century, from Hidalgo’s dash for independence in 1810 to the collapse of the Díaz regime in 1910. It is commonly believed that during these hundred years Catholics in Mexico were dolefully sitting on the sidelines and sucking their thumbs, wistfully waiting for a chance to enter once more and enrich with their contribution the temple of national culture. So many imagine that Catholics in nineteenth-century Mexico, being fettered politically and black-listed socially, manifested little interest and made no worthwhile contributions along cultural lines. Belonging generally to the so-called “conservative” party in the political arena, they are supposed to have been debarred from the cultured “liberal” circles of the day and for this reason remained inarticulate, contributing nothing of real importance and enduring value to the culture of independent Mexico and exerting no appreciable influence on contemporary literature, art, science, and education.

scholarly journals Translating Shakespeare for the Hungarian Stage: Contemporary Perspectives

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 187-201
Author(s):  
Bálint Szele
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Hard Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
New Developments ◽  
Set Up

This paper presents trends in today’s Shakespeare translation in Hungary based on interviews with Hungarian translators and scholars. Instead of a collection of names and dates of translators and translations, it focuses on the organic development of Hungarian Shakespeare translation, which has been going on for more than two hundred years, and tries to fit new developments into the tradition of translating Shakespeare in a theoretical framework. “Hungarian Shakespeare,” now seen as a broad collection of Hungarian translations and adaptations, lives on, is kept alive in theaters, but it is undergoing a process of simplification. It was very hard work to do away with the forced prudishness and mannerism of the nineteenth century Shakespeare translations. After World War II, during the dominance of Communist culture, it was not allowed for several translations of Shakespeare to co-exist, so a politically appointed committee was set up to decide which one fit into the official canon. Only the selected texts could be printed and used in performances. After the political changes in Hungary in 1989, there was an upsurge of interest in Shakespeare, and since the 1990s there has been an unprecedented plurality of Shakespeare translations. I aim to examine the processes that led to the development of today’s easy-to-understand and naturalistic translations, and to the abandonment of century-old classical ones.

The ‘Big Society’ and concentrated neighbourhood problems

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Power
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Support ◽  
David Cameron ◽  
Community Politics ◽  
Big Society ◽  
Set Up

This chapter examines the notion of the ‘Big Society’, introduced by David Cameron in 2009, which empowers citizens to deal with local issues that are not high on the political agenda. It traces the origins of community politics in the co-operative institutions that people set up to manage the pressures and problems of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century industrialisation. The chapter argues that the Big Society is not an alternative to government but that, to be effective, the two must operate within a framework of mutual support.

Antecedents of the Burma Road: British Plans for a Burma-China Railway in the Nineteenth Century

1962 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph C. Croizier
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Business Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Geographic Knowledge ◽  
Engineering Problems ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Engineering Projects

Among the most obvious and durable monuments to the colonial age in Asia are the great engineering projects which have permanently transformed the physical and economic geography of the continent. Many of these have an interesting history of their own, both in the political and commercial history of the country building them and on the level of international politics. This is true not only for such successfully completed projects as the Suez Canal or the Trans-Siberian Railway, but also for great schemes which were never realized. In Southeast Asia the long-discussed Kra Canal is the most famous instance of the latter, but it is not unique. Throughout most of the second half of the Nineteenth Century the British Government and especially the British business community dallied with the idea of a rail link between the Bay of Bengal and the interior provinces of China. Those familiar with the building of the Burma Road will understand the enormous engineering problems involved in such a plan. But for most of the Nineteenth Century geographic knowledge of Southeast Asia was extremely vague and the lure of a several thousand mile shortcut to the perennially fascinating markets of China exerted a strong pull on the imagination of a commercial nation. Ultimately, international political complications and sound economic logic killed ven the idea of such a railway. But the light it throws on government — business relations within the British Empire and on imperial rivalries in Southeast Asia makes the story of the first Burma Road, the one that was never built, well worth the telling.

scholarly journals PERJUANGAN PEREMPUAN DALAM ARENA POLITIK (STUDI PEMILIHAN ANGGOTA DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH DI KABUPATEN MIMIKA, PROPINSI PAPUA DALAM PRESPEKTIF PIERRE BOURDIUE)

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sopia Wadanubun ◽  
Antik Tri Susanti ◽  
Elly E. Kudubun
Keyword(s):  
Pierre Bourdieu ◽  
Economic Capital ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Descriptive Data ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Research Procedure ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Moral Structure

<p><em>Women are constructed as second-class creatures. This prejudice then gets reinforced in the moral structure of society manifested in religious and customary regulations. However, in the political arena an effirmative policy has been set up by giving a 30% quota of permaan. This study wants to find out how women struggle in the political arena, using the perspective of Pierre Bourdieu. The approach used in this study is a qualitative research approach, which is a research procedure that produces descriptive data using interview, observation, and document utilization techniques. This study concludes that gender is not a matter of unsuccessful person in the election stage. This means that men and women have the same opportunity to be chosen. Election is determined by the amount of economic capital. Because economic capital is the dominant determinant of victory, not because of the issue of women's struggle, in practice it can be predicted that the struggle against women's rights will not have a place in the political arena in Mimika Regency, Papua Province.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><strong> <em>Women, Politics, </em></strong><strong><em>Arena, </em></strong><strong><em>Pierre Bourdieu, Capital</em></strong><strong><em></em></strong></p><h2> </h2><p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Perempuan dikonstruksikan sebagai makhluk kelas dua, prasangka ini kemudian mendapatkan penguatan dalam struktur moral masyarakat yang terwujud dalam peraturan-peraturan agama maupun adat, namun demikian dalam arena politik telah di tetapkan kebijakan affirmative dengan memberi perempuan tkuota 30%.Penelitian ini ingin mengetahui bagaimana perjuangan perempuan dalam arena politik, dengan menggunakan perspektif Pierre Bourdiue, pendekatan yang di lakukan dalam penilitian ini adalah jenis pendekatan penelitian kualitatis yaitu suatu prosedur penelitian yang menghasilkan data deskriptif menggunakan teknik wawancara, pengamatan dan pemanfaatan dokumen.Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa gender bukan merupakan persoalan ketidak berhasilan seseorang dalam tahap pemilihan, artinya laki-laki dan perempuan mempunyai peluang yang sama untuk di pilih. Tentununya keterpilihan seseorang di tentukan oleh jumlah modal ekonomi.</p><p><strong>Kata kunci : </strong><strong>Perempuan,Politik, Pierre Bourdiue, Mo</strong><strong>dal</strong></p>

scholarly journals Lux et Tenebris? Coloniality and Anglican Missions in Argentine Patagonia in the Nineteenth Century

Humanities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Hugo Córdova Córdova Quero
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
South America ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
World System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Anglican Church ◽  
Missionary Work ◽  
Argentine Patagonia ◽  
Capitalist World

Within the modern capitalist World-System, Missionary work was mostly developed through the connubiality with colonial powers. The missionary work of the Anglican Church is no exception. This article centers on the missionary enterprise carried out in Argentine Patagonia in the nineteenth century. Missionaries’ reports carefully narrated that venture. However, the language and the notions underlying the missionary work’s narration reveal the dominion of colonial ideologies that imbued how religious agents constructed alterity. Connecting the missionaries’ worldview with the political context and expansion of the British Empire allows us to unfold the complex intersections of religious, ethnic, racial, and geopolitical discourses that traverse the lives of indigenous peoples in South America.

British Attitudes to the Colonies, ca. 1820-1850

1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. G. L. Shaw
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
The People ◽  
Mother Country ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colonial Office

In an article in the Journal of British Studies in November 1965, Helen Taft Manning, referring particularly to the period 1830 to 1850, asked the question, “Who ran the British Empire?” She was especially concerned with the influence of the famous James Stephen, but her question raises matters of wider concern.“Patterns of historical writing are notoriously difficult to change,” she wrote.Much of what is still being written about colonial administration in the nineteenth-century British Empire rests on the partisan and even malicious writings of critics of the Government in England in the 1830s and '40s who had never seen the colonial correspondence and were unfamiliar with existing conditions in the distant colonies. The impression conveyed in most textbooks is that the Colonial Office after 1815 was a well-established bureaucracy concerned with the policies of the mother country in the overseas possessions, and that those policies changed very slowly and only under pressure. Initially Edward Gibbon Wakefield and Charles Buller were responsible for this Colonial Office legend, but it was soon accepted by most of the people who had business to transact there.This legend is still to be found, as Mrs. Manning says, in general textbooks, among the more important of the fairly recent ones being E. L. Woodward's Age of Reform, and more surprisingly in the second volume of the Cambridge History of the British Empire. Of course, Wakefield and the so-called colonial reformers are well recognized as propagandists.

scholarly journals Republic or Constitutional Monarchy: the Political and Social Effects of Royal Visits to Australia

1969 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith Comba
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Social Effects ◽  
Strong Sense ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Identity ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

Nineteenth century Australia achieved Federation on January 1st after a half-century of discussion and debate between Federalists and Republicans. However, despite these ongoing political debates, Australia still greatly retained a strong sense of British identity due to immigration policies that only slowed in the 1880s. Focusing on the Australian public’s reactions to two Royal Tours, in 1867 and 1901, this paper attempts to address why a Commonwealth model of Federation was created in 1901 as well as to more fully understand how significantly Australian cultural identity and support of the monarchy as a symbol of the British Empire contributed to the nineteenth century political scene.

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