scholarly journals Lux et Tenebris? Coloniality and Anglican Missions in Argentine Patagonia in the Nineteenth Century

Humanities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Hugo Córdova Córdova Quero

Within the modern capitalist World-System, Missionary work was mostly developed through the connubiality with colonial powers. The missionary work of the Anglican Church is no exception. This article centers on the missionary enterprise carried out in Argentine Patagonia in the nineteenth century. Missionaries’ reports carefully narrated that venture. However, the language and the notions underlying the missionary work’s narration reveal the dominion of colonial ideologies that imbued how religious agents constructed alterity. Connecting the missionaries’ worldview with the political context and expansion of the British Empire allows us to unfold the complex intersections of religious, ethnic, racial, and geopolitical discourses that traverse the lives of indigenous peoples in South America.

Author(s):  
Shaunnagh Dorsett

This chapter examines legal encounters and legal relations between Indigenous peoples in both Australia and New Zealand and the British Empire. It looks at court decisions as a source of historical material in order to suggest two contact points between jurisdictions through which to think about indigenous laws and settler laws. It focuses on only two instances of contact: the colonial and the present. In many ways this choice reproduces ongoing gaps in tracing and thinking about legal encounters with Aboriginal law in Australia and, to a lesser extent, in New Zealand. Scholarship on legal encounter has tended to be centred on the colonial period to the detriment of the later nineteenth century and much of the twentieth century. The chapter looks at the ways in which colonial and modern law engaged/s with aboriginal law from the perspective of the colonizer, not the colonized.


1962 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph C. Croizier

Among the most obvious and durable monuments to the colonial age in Asia are the great engineering projects which have permanently transformed the physical and economic geography of the continent. Many of these have an interesting history of their own, both in the political and commercial history of the country building them and on the level of international politics. This is true not only for such successfully completed projects as the Suez Canal or the Trans-Siberian Railway, but also for great schemes which were never realized. In Southeast Asia the long-discussed Kra Canal is the most famous instance of the latter, but it is not unique. Throughout most of the second half of the Nineteenth Century the British Government and especially the British business community dallied with the idea of a rail link between the Bay of Bengal and the interior provinces of China. Those familiar with the building of the Burma Road will understand the enormous engineering problems involved in such a plan. But for most of the Nineteenth Century geographic knowledge of Southeast Asia was extremely vague and the lure of a several thousand mile shortcut to the perennially fascinating markets of China exerted a strong pull on the imagination of a commercial nation. Ultimately, international political complications and sound economic logic killed ven the idea of such a railway. But the light it throws on government — business relations within the British Empire and on imperial rivalries in Southeast Asia makes the story of the first Burma Road, the one that was never built, well worth the telling.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 52-64
Author(s):  
Vasylyna Podliesna ◽  

In the cyclical dynamics of the capitalist world system, politics and economics are closely intertwined, which is manifested in the development of political business cycles of individual countries, as well as in the development of cyclical political and economic processes in the long run on a global scale. The development of political business cycles is due to the influence of interrelated factors - competition of political forces, economic expectations and political preferences of voters. The immanent to the capitalist world-system deep internal contradictions lead to a variety of forms of long-term socio-economic cycles, including such a form as political cycles of a global nature. In the modern conditions of transition from the industrial-market system to the information-network society, the factors continue to exist and the contradictions emerge that both lead to the development of political cycles. Technical and technological transformations that contribute to the formation of information and network society, are strengthening the possibilities of ideological and propaganda activities that affect the cyclical political and economic processes. In such conditions, political cycles are becoming more and more emergent, which is largely due to the influence of social networks, computer games, and "new media" on people's political preferences and their political activity. The cyclical processes of establishing economic and political hegemony in the capitalist world system determine the dominance of the political cycles of leading countries over those of less developed countries. Improving production and dissemination technologies enhances the ability of leading countries to influence the political cycles of less developed countries, and the use of "soft power" is becoming an increasingly important tool of geopolitical struggle in the process of deployment of long-term global political cycles.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christof Parnreiter

AbstractThis paper discusses Donald Trump’s presidency and his motto “America First!” against the backdrop of the notion of a declining U.S. hegemony. For that purpose, conceptualizations of hegemony by word-system scholars, namely Immanuel Wallerstein and Giovanni Arrighi, are being contrasted with John Agnew’s account in political geography. The main difference refers to the geographies of hegemony: For Agnew, a stateless hegemony is conceivable, while for Wallerstein and Arrighi hegemony in the capitalist world-system requires a state to exercise it. The paper than goes on to argue that in order to operate successfully capitalism needs the cooperation of political and economic power and hence the bringing together of the spaces of places of the former and the spaces of flows of the latter. Against this backdrop I contend that Trump’s nationalist rhetoric and (so far conceivable) politics embody and communicate the loss of U.S. hegemony both inwards and outwards. While Trump’s geographical imaginations of power are downscaled to the national, U.S. big business is ever more moving in and using global commodity chains. The fusion of the political spaces of territory and the economic spaces of flows are drifting apart. Moreover, hegemony in the capitalist world-system is global by definition. In the paper’s conclusion, the notion of a stateless hegemony is questioned.


2018 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Twomey

The historiography on protection in the nineteenth-century British Empire often assumes that British humanitarians were the progenitors of protection schemes. In contrast, this article argues that the position of Protector or Guardian for slaves and Indigenous peoples in the British Empire drew on Spanish, Dutch, and French legal precedents. The legal protections and slave codes operative in these European colonies are compared to British colonial territories, where there was no imperial slave code and no clear status of slaves at common law. Drawing on debates in the House of Commons, Parliamentary Commissions of Inquiry, and the published work of abolitionists and anti-slavery societies, the article examines how the pressure for amelioration in the British Empire coincided with the acquisition of new colonies that offered ready-made models for slave protection. British reformers combined their calls for greater protection for slaves with their extant knowledge of European protective regimes.


1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley R. Stembridge

Of the countless addresses which assailed English eardrums in the nineteenth century, few are more widely remembered in the general histories of Britain and the British Empire than Benjamin Disraeli's celebrated speech at the Crystal Palace on June 24, 1872. There he made a profession of faith in the Empire which is still often said to have marked his conversion from the apathy of an earlier day when he had described the colonies as “a millstone round our necks.” The speech, moreover, is commonly regarded as the great signpost at the start of the highway to the “New Imperialism,” and it is usually credited with having furnished the Tories a popular banner which they subsequently carried into the political arena with outstanding success. The speech has been both praised as “the famous declaration from which the modern conception of the British Empire takes its rise” and condemned as an opportunistic effort to “dish the Whigs,” but friend and foe alike have accorded it a significance which it does not wholly deserve.For many decades historians have harked back to the middle years of the last century as the heyday of anti-imperialism in Britain. This was the period of “Little England,” when many of her leaders — especially the men of the Manchester School — looked with favor on the main doctrine of separatism: cut the colonies loose and let them set up shop for themselves so as to end the financial burdens borne by the mother country. The climax of this movement was supposed to have occurred about 1870, when a sudden imperialist tide swept away all separatist notions.


2000 ◽  
pp. 19-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Wilkin

There are good grounds for taking seriously Wallerstein's dictum that the world system has entered what he describes as an interregnum. By this he means two important things: First, that the world is moving between two forms of world system, from a capitalist world system to something new; Second, that in such an interregnum questions of structure become less signi? cant than those of agency. The world system is one that has been produced, reproduced and will ultimately be transformed by human actors. The direction that it takes will be the result of the political struggles that ensue in the interregnum. In this paper I examine some of these claims in the context of a series of events that have taken place over the past decade and in the run up to the protests that occurred in December 1999 at the World Trade Organization (WTO) summit in Seattle. In so doing I hope to put some empirical ?esh on the bones of the idea that Wallerstein has suggestively offered us.


1969 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith Comba

Nineteenth century Australia achieved Federation on January 1st after a half-century of discussion and debate between Federalists and Republicans. However, despite these ongoing political debates, Australia still greatly retained a strong sense of British identity due to immigration policies that only slowed in the 1880s. Focusing on the Australian public’s reactions to two Royal Tours, in 1867 and 1901, this paper attempts to address why a Commonwealth model of Federation was created in 1901 as well as to more fully understand how significantly Australian cultural identity and support of the monarchy as a symbol of the British Empire contributed to the nineteenth century political scene.


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