Women and Industrialization: Gender at Work in Nineteenth-Century England. Judy LownA Woman's Wage: Historical Meanings and Social Consequences. Alice Kessler-Harris

Signs ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-228
Author(s):  
Ava Baron
2019 ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Lidia Pawelec

The present text outlines the school reforms carried out in the first half of the nineteenth century. As the timeframe suggests, these reforms were launched and implemented by the then authorities of the Duchy of Warsaw and the Russian authorities administering the Russian part of partitioned Poland. The author attempts to indicate the most important goals and assumptions of thereforms as well as their immediate educational and social consequences. The text is far from being a comprehensive description of the problem but rather serves as an introduction to the substance of the issue under investigation and its political and economic conditioning.


2011 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annie Tindley

Despite the period after the Great Highland Famine being labelled by some historians as a period of relative prosperity for the crofting and cottar community of north-west Sutherland, poverty and occasional destitution remained the norm. This article examines the structural causes and social consequences of this recurring pattern, principally from the perspective of the owners and managers of the Sutherland estate. The views of those factors ‘on the ground’ revolved around the organisation of immediate assistance for the people, as well as a fear of a ‘dependency’ culture being the permanent result of landlord charitable aid. These views clashed with those of the estate commissioner and ducal family, who were concerned with their public image, especially in the wake of unfavourable comment on the clearances. These contrasting views were further complicated by contemporary debates about charity and Poor Law reform which, although often metropolitan in focus, had a direct impact on the Sutherland estate's response to destitution in the mid-nineteenth century.


2010 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
GIACOMO MACOLA

ABSTRACTBased on a close examination of European travelogues and the evidence produced in the wake of the formulation of colonial gun policies, this article contends that the significance of firearms in Central Africa in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has been unduly played down in the existing literature. The first substantive section of the article charts the movement of the gun frontier in nineteenth-century north-western Zambia. It foregrounds the new technology's economic and military applications, the means through which north-western Zambians overcame some at least of its limitations, and the plurality of innovative social roles that they attributed to it. Successive sections centre on the pervasiveness of gun-running in the early twentieth century and the implementation and profound social consequences of gun control laws.


Author(s):  
Russell Keat ◽  
John O’Neill

While socialist ideas may retrospectively be identified in many earlier forms of protest and rebellion against economic injustice and political oppression, socialism both as a relatively coherent theoretical doctrine and as an organized political movement had its origins in early nineteenth-century Europe, especially in Britain, France and Germany. It was, above all, a critical response to early industrial capitalism, to an unregulated market economy in which the means of production were privately owned and propertyless workers were forced to sell their labour power to capitalists for often meagre wages. The evils of this system seemed manifest to its socialist critics. Not only was the relationship between workers and capitalists inherently exploitative, and the commodification of labour an affront to human dignity, but it generated widespread poverty and recurrent unemployment, massive and unjust inequalities of wealth and economic power, degrading and soul-destroying work, and an increasingly atomized and individualistic society. Socialists were not alone in criticizing some of these features of industrial capitalism and its accompanying ideology of economic liberalism. In particular, antipathy towards individualism was also a characteristic of conservative thought. But whereas conservatives found their inspiration in the hierarchically structured organic communities of the past, and were deeply hostile to the political radicalism of the French Revolution, socialists looked forward to new forms of community consistent with the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity. For them, the evils of capitalism could be overcome only by replacing private with public or common ownership of the means of production, abolishing wage labour and creating a classless society where production geared to capitalist profits gave way to socially organized production for the satisfaction of human needs. In such a society, the human potential for a genuinely ‘social’ mode of existence would be realized, with mutual concern for others’ well-being rather than unbridled pursuit of self-interest, with cooperation for common ends rather than competition for individual ones, and with generosity and sharing rather than greed and acquisitiveness – a truly human community. For most nineteenth-century socialist theorists, the historic task of creating such a society was assigned to the organized industrial working class; most notably by Marx, the pre-eminent figure in the history of socialism. It was Marx who (along with Engels) provided the socialist movement not only with a theoretically sophisticated economic analysis of capitalism and a biting critique of its social consequences, but also, through his scientific, materialist theory of historical development, with the confident belief that the inherent contradictions and class antagonisms of capitalism would eventually give birth to a socialist society. In marked contrast to such earlier optimism, contemporary socialists are faced with the continued resilience of capitalist societies and the demise of at least nominally socialist regimes in the former Soviet Union and elsewhere, regimes in which state ownership and centralized planning had been accompanied by political repression and economic failure. For those who reject the idea that a suitably regulated form of welfare capitalism is the most that can be hoped for, the task is to construct some alternative model of a socialist economy which is preferable to this yet avoids the ills of centralized state socialism.


1955 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. J. Habakkuk

The scholars of continental Europe have devoted much attention to the social consequences of rules and customs of inheritance, and there exists a large body of work on this subject by lawyers and agricultural historians. The purpose of this paper is to consider, in the light of this European evidence, the possible significance of such rules and customs for economic development in the nineteenth century.


1967 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Harrison

Social historians studying nineteenth-century England tend to concentrate on the work-situation, and therefore on the conflicting interests of employer and employee. Dr John Vincent, however, has recently directed attention to the popular basis of nineteenth-century Liberalism; this brings into the forefront quite different social alignments – especially when conflicts over religion and recreation are investigated. Popular radicalism “was the product of the leisure of Saturday night and Sunday morning, the pothouse and the chapel, not of the working week”. This shift in interest brings the drink question to the fore, as several scholars have already realised: “it would be hard to say why historians have not rated the effect of strong drink as the significant factor in nineteenth-century history that it undoubtedly was”, wrote Dr Kitson Clark recently; “its importance stands out from every page of the contemporary record”. W. L. Burn thought it “arguable” that the Beer Act of 1830 was “more revolutionary in its immediate social consequences than any other of the reforming age”.


Author(s):  
Elise Lehmann

Throughout the nineteenth century the British match-making industry used white phosphorus in the production of lucifer matches, despite the knowledge taht the chemical could cause a deadly disease known as phosphorus necrosis. Until the 1890s, due to cover-ups made by match-making companies, the British government was unaware of the scale of phosphorus necrosis cases and had been led to believe that the chemical was being used safely. However, even after journalists exposed the truth, the British government and match-making companies were still unwilling to ban white phosphorus because of the economic and social consequences of shutting down lucifer match production. It was not until a chemical alternative was found that both the match-making industry and the British government were prepared to ban the use of white phosphorus. 


Author(s):  
John O’Neill

While socialist ideas may retrospectively be identified in many earlier forms of protest and rebellion against economic injustice and political oppression, socialism both as a relatively coherent theoretical doctrine and as an organized political movement had its origins in early nineteenth-century Europe, especially in Britain, France and Germany. It was, above all, a critical response to early industrial capitalism, to an unregulated market economy in which the means of production were privately owned and propertyless workers were forced to sell their labour power to capitalists for often meagre wages. The evils of this system seemed manifest to its socialist critics. Not only was the relationship between workers and capitalists inherently exploitative, and the commodification of labour an affront to human dignity, but it generated widespread poverty and recurrent unemployment, massive and unjust inequalities of wealth and economic power, degrading and soul-destroying work, and an increasingly atomized and individualistic society. Socialists were not alone in criticizing some of these features of industrial capitalism and its accompanying ideology of economic liberalism. In particular, antipathy towards individualism was also a characteristic of conservative thought. But whereas conservatives found their inspiration in the hierarchically structured organic communities of the past, and were deeply hostile to the political radicalism of the French Revolution, socialists looked forward to new forms of community consistent with the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity. For them, the evils of capitalism could be overcome only by replacing private with public or common ownership of the means of production, abolishing wage labour and creating a classless society where production geared to capitalist profits gave way to socially organized production for the satisfaction of human needs. In such a society, the human potential for a genuinely ‘social’ mode of existence would be realized, with mutual concern for others’ wellbeing rather than unbridled pursuit of self-interest, with cooperation for common ends rather than competition for individual ones, and with generosity and sharing rather than greed and acquisitiveness – a truly human community. For most nineteenth-century socialist theorists, the historic task of creating such a society was assigned to the organized industrial working class; most notably by Marx, the pre-eminent figure in the history of socialism. It was Marx who (along with Engels) provided the socialist movement not only with a theoretically sophisticated economic analysis of capitalism and a biting critique of its social consequences, but also, through his scientific, materialist theory of historical development, with the confident belief that the inherent contradictions and class antagonisms of capitalism would eventually give birth to a socialist society. In marked contrast to such earlier optimism, contemporary socialists are faced with the continued resilience of capitalist societies and the collapse of at least nominally socialist regimes in the USSR and elsewhere, regimes in which state ownership and centralized planning have been accompanied by political repression and economic failure. For those who reject the idea that a suitably regulated form of welfare capitalism is the most that can be hoped for, the task is to construct some alternative model of a socialist economy which is preferable to this yet avoids the evils of centralized state socialism.


Author(s):  
Patrick W. Carey

This chapter describes the American Protestant reactions to the Catholic understanding of sacramental confession. That reaction is analyzed within the context of the heritage of the Protestant Reformation’s understandings of sin, repentance, and confession. The chapter demonstrates how the Protestant Episcopal Church in the late eighteenth century and American Lutherans in the early nineteenth century transformed the inherited Anglican and Lutheran traditions on the confession of sins to a priest or pastor. In the nineteenth century, sacramental confession became a central polemic issue, because for American Protestants that doctrine seemed to violate the Protestant understanding of justification by faith alone. The Protestant polemic was based on biblical, theological, legal, disciplinary, and historical issues. But, in some cases, the polemic made sensational charges on the immoral and evil political and social consequences of the practice of sacramental confession. Salacious accounts of confessional practice became a part of the polemical record.


1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Gootenberg

Nineteenth-century Peru is customarily taken as a hyperbolic example of how the triumph of economic liberalism in Latin America hindered prospects for sustained economic development. While historians now agree that guano-age liberalism triggered adverse economic and social consequences, the roots of Peruvian free trade policy remain shrouded in mystery. Most recently, dependency writers elevated free trade into a major component of their posited transition to ‘neocolonialism’ after Independence. However, this new periodization is not convincing for it fails to explain how liberal policies actually took hold, symptomatic of the insufficient attention given to internal dynamics of change.


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