MARITIME TRADE IN MAKASSAR IN THE XVI-XVII CENTURY

This study aimed to describe the maritime trade in the half of XVI and XVII centuries. The method used was the historical method, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Based on the study, it was found that Makassar traders played a central role in the archipelago maritime trade. The fall of Malacca Strait made Makassar as a new trading port that allowed the Makassar traders in a higher mobility. Makassar got a significant change as a trading center in the XVI century, previously in the XV century before becoming a trading center. Makassar traders established trade relations with foreign traders from Europe, China, India, and Arabic. The commodities traded were spices, textiles, and porcelain. The free trade policy at Makassar Port was a determining factor for the success of Makassar in attracting foreign traders to do their trading activities at Makassar Port.

The Struggle for Imperial Preferential Trade, 1887-1917, with Particular Reference to New Zealand

<p>The years 1887-1917 were years of continuous efforts to reconcile seeming irreconcilables in the economic sphere of relations between Great Britain and those of her self-governing colonies who were rapidly attaining to nationhood: Canada, the Australian and South African colonies, and New Zealand. Simply stated the problem on the one side was how the Mother Country could satisfy the demands of these colonies for some preference to their exports, when to do so would involve her in a fiscal revolution. She stood firmly, with almost religious fervour by the tenets of free trade, and to advocate any radical change would be a policy of political suicide for any party which adopted it as its platform. At the time she was the leader of the world's commerce, a fact that she attributed to the very free trade policy which the colonies would overthrow. From the colonial point of view, the problem was to meet what appeared to them, a growing threat to their own exports by those foreign powers, mainly Germany and America, who through a policy of protection were keeping British products out of their own markets, and who through subsidies and differential rates were able to undersell the colonies on the Home market. These same foreign powers, in spite of colonial protective tariffs, were able to compete with the small local industries, and in many cases could undersell the the produce of the Mother Country in the colonies. The answer which the colonies seized eagerly upon and fought so long and strenuously for, was an imperial preferential trade. Immediately, however, they were faced with the fact that the portion of the Empire most concerned, namely Britain, refused to change her fiscal system for a policy which she considered unnecessary and inimical to her own interests.</p>

The Struggle for Imperial Preferential Trade, 1887-1917, with Particular Reference to New Zealand

<p>The years 1887-1917 were years of continuous efforts to reconcile seeming irreconcilables in the economic sphere of relations between Great Britain and those of her self-governing colonies who were rapidly attaining to nationhood: Canada, the Australian and South African colonies, and New Zealand. Simply stated the problem on the one side was how the Mother Country could satisfy the demands of these colonies for some preference to their exports, when to do so would involve her in a fiscal revolution. She stood firmly, with almost religious fervour by the tenets of free trade, and to advocate any radical change would be a policy of political suicide for any party which adopted it as its platform. At the time she was the leader of the world's commerce, a fact that she attributed to the very free trade policy which the colonies would overthrow. From the colonial point of view, the problem was to meet what appeared to them, a growing threat to their own exports by those foreign powers, mainly Germany and America, who through a policy of protection were keeping British products out of their own markets, and who through subsidies and differential rates were able to undersell the colonies on the Home market. These same foreign powers, in spite of colonial protective tariffs, were able to compete with the small local industries, and in many cases could undersell the the produce of the Mother Country in the colonies. The answer which the colonies seized eagerly upon and fought so long and strenuously for, was an imperial preferential trade. Immediately, however, they were faced with the fact that the portion of the Empire most concerned, namely Britain, refused to change her fiscal system for a policy which she considered unnecessary and inimical to her own interests.</p>

Should China’s Economic Policy Be Resisted?

China's economic policies were transformed during the reform period that started in 1979, when the most populated country in the world adopted market-based reforms. Currently, China not only has grown to become the second largest and mid income economy in the world from one of the world's poorest countries, but also actively advances the free trade policy and fills the developing niches, although the latter has caused some concerns. The Chines active economic policy along with its economic and political strengthening in addition to the tensions with the United States rise the question whether the Chinese economic policy should be resisted? This paper analyses the different aspects of China’s economic policy and intents to answer the question based on the importance of the Chinese role in the world economy and development while the public opinion toward China’s economic strengthening has been considered as well.

Britain’s Empire Marketing Board and the failure of soft trade policy, 1926–33

Before 1932, Britain’s essentially free-trade policy left barely any scope for reciprocating the preferential tariffs that the Dominions applied to Britain’s exports. Thus, Britain attempted to reciprocate by means of a “soft” trade policy aimed at increasing Britain’s imports from the empire through wide-reaching publicity coordinated by the Empire Marketing Board (EMB). This article, the first econometric assessment of the EMB, argues that there was not a differential increase in the volume of those imports advertised by the EMB. Principal arguments for this failure are that British consumers were frequently unaware of the geographic origin of many commodities and that they tended to identify company brand more than country of origin.

Customs tariff reforms in Mongolia

Mongolia has been pursuing a free trade policy since the transition to a market economy, and today, with a sharp increase in imports and a boom in raw materials exports, domestic production has fallen, and the country became overly dependent on mining products. Therefore, there is an urgent need to review the methods for implementing foreign trade policy, to study their optimal use and update them effectively. This study examines how Mongolia’s import tariff regulations have been reforming since the transition to a market economy, and discusses some potential impacts of the import tariff reform on the Mongolian economy. Монгол Улсын импортын гаалийн тарифын шинэчлэл Хураангуй: Монгол Улс зах зээлийн эдийн засгийн харилцаанд шилжсэн үеэс чөлөөт худалдааны бодлого баримталсаар ирсэн бөгөөд өнөөдөр импортын урсгал эрс нэмэгдэж, түүхий эдийн экспорт хөгжсөнөөр дотоодын үйлдвэрлэл уналтад орсон, уул уурхайн бүтээгдэхүүнээс хэт хамааралтай улс болжээ. Иймд гадаад худалдааны бодлогыг хэрэгжүүлэх арга хэрэгслүүдийг эргэн харах, тэдгээрийг хэрхэн оновчтой хэрэглэх, шинэчлэх зэрэг асуудлыг судлах зайлшгүй шаардлага бий болоод байна. Энэхүү ажлын хүрээнд Монгол Улс зах зээлийн эдийн засгийн харилцаанд шилжсэн үеэс өнөөг хүртэл импортын гаалийн тарифын бодлого зохицуулалтын шинэчлэл хэрхэн хийгдсэн талаар судалж, импортын гаалийн тарифыг шинэчилснээр Монгол Улсын эдийн засагт үзүүлэх зарим үр нөлөөг авч үзсэн. Түлхүүр үгс: гадаад худалдааны бодлого; импортын гаалийн тарифын бодлого, зохицуулалт; нэн тааламжтай тариф; ДХБ-тай тохирсон тарифын дээд хэмжээ; тарифын шинжилгээ.

Corporativismo e autarchia in Gino Borgatta

In the first Italian industrial take-off between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the economist Gino Borgatta, a pupil of Luigi Einaudi, was among the most convinced supporters of free trade policy. However, this attitude evolved during the thirties, when protectionism was presented by Borgatta as an instrument that, under certain conditions and within autarchic politics, could be profitably used to reach political as well as economic objectives. Similarly, corporatism was also presented as not necessarily limiting private initiative, demonstrating Borgatta’s attempt to reconcile his past as a supporter of free trade with his new role as consultant to the Fascist regime.