scholarly journals Discretionary Power in the Hands of an Authoritarian State: A Study of Denaturalizations under the Vichy Regime (1940–1944)

2020 ◽  
Vol 92 (4) ◽  
pp. 817-858
Author(s):  
Claire Zalc
2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-145
Author(s):  
Elwira Marszałkowska-Krześ

The study describes the functions of civil procedure as a legal instrument from the times of the socialist authoritarian state of the People’s Republic of Poland. The positions expressed in the doctrine regarding the purpose and principles of conducting civil proceedings, regulated in the Act of 16 November 1964, Code of Civil Procedure, which was adopted during the authoritarian power of the dominant political party of the Polish United Workers’ Party, were presented. Provisions of procedural law, dating back to the authoritarian rule of democratic socialism in the People’s Republic of Poland, were intended to provide protection for the socialized economy and to enable the state to control civil-law relations. Civil proceedings were intended to guarantee the possibility of protecting not only the rights of the individual, but also, or rather first and foremost, of the units of the socialized economy, as well as of the disputes that might arise in connection with relations between the state and its citizens, and between citizens. This principle required the authorities conducting civil proceedings to ensure adequate legal and procedural protection in the event that a party or participant in the proceedings was a unit of the socialized economy. Civil proceedings in which  the court, within its powers, could interfere with the legal sphere of an individual in connection with the conferral of discretionary power, was another legal tool and instrument allowing the state to influence private-law relations. In addition, the authoritarianism of the state power at that time was also manifested in this.


Arts ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Izabela Kozłowska ◽  
Eryk Krasucki

Central and Eastern European countries were subjugated to the Soviet Union in the second half of the 20th century. In this new political environment, defined as the period of dependency, the concept of space gained a new denotation as a space of dependence, in both social and physical terms. The political changes that took place after 1989 enabled these spaces to be emancipated. In this work, we aim to delineate the complex relationship between architecture and politics from the perspective of spaces of dependence and their emancipation. Through a case study of two squares, plac Żołnierza Polskiego (the Square of the Polish Soldier) and plac Solidarności (Solidarity Square) in Szczecin, we gained insights into the processes and strategies that promoted their evolution into spaces of emancipation within architectural and urban narratives. Szczecin’s space of dependence was created by an authoritarian state that had a monopoly on defining architecture and urban planning in the country and the state as a whole. In a process orchestrated by economic factors, as well as the scale of architectural and urban degradation, the squares under discussion have transitioned from spaces of dependency to spaces of emancipation. As a result, an architectural-urban structure characterized by new cultural and identity values has been created.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 2329
Author(s):  
Sabrina Dressel ◽  
Annelie Sjölander-Lindqvist ◽  
Maria Johansson ◽  
Göran Ericsson ◽  
Camilla Sandström

Collaborative governance approaches have been suggested as strategies to handle wicked environmental problems. Evaluations have found promising examples of effective natural resource governance, but also highlighted the importance of social-ecological context and institutional design. The aim of this study was to identify factors that contribute to the achievement of social and ecological sustainability within Swedish moose (Alces alces) management. In 2012, a multi-level collaborative governance regime was implemented to decrease conflicts among stakeholders. We carried out semi-structured interviews with six ‘good examples’ (i.e., Moose Management Groups that showed positive social and ecological outcomes). We found that ‘good examples’ collectively identified existing knowledge gaps and management challenges and used their discretionary power to develop procedural arrangements that are adapted to the social-ecological context, their theory of change, and attributes of local actors. This contributed to the creation of bridging social capital and principled engagement across governance levels. Thus, our results indicate the existence of higher-order social learning as well as a positive feedback from within-level collaboration dynamics to between-level collaboration. Furthermore, our study illustrates the importance of institutional flexibility to utilize the existing knowledge across stakeholder groups and to allow for adaptations based on the social learning process.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haifeng Huang

Despite the prevalence of anti-government rumors in authoritarian countries, little is currently known about their effects on citizens’ attitudes toward the government, and whether the authorities can effectively combat rumors. With an experimental procedure embedded in two surveys about Chinese internet users’ information exposure, this study finds that rumors decrease citizens’ trust in the government and support of the regime. Moreover, individuals from diverse socio-economic and political backgrounds are similarly susceptible to thinly evidenced rumors. Rebuttals generally reduce people’s belief in the specific content of rumors, but often do not recover political trust unless the government brings forth solid and vivid evidence to back its refutation or win the endorsement of public figures broadly perceived to be independent. But because such high-quality and strong rebuttals are hard to come by, rumors will erode political support in an authoritarian state. These findings have rich implications for studies of rumors and misinformation in general, and authoritarian information politics in particular.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (5) ◽  
pp. 725-747 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phillip W. Gray ◽  
Sara Mattingly-Jordan

This article presents a conservative rejoinder to the Blacksburg perspective inviting a more discursive elaboration on the overlaps between key conservative thinkers, such as those from Michael Oakeshott, and portions of the Blacksburg view, specifically from the works of John Rohr and Charles T. Goodsell. We posit a conservative perspective that would contest three points in the Refounding texts. The article concludes by elaborating on the generative role that a discussion between the Refounders and key conservatives plays in positing new avenues for administrative theory and addressing challenges to the discretionary power of civil servants in a constitutional democracy.


Africa ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Nyamnjoh ◽  
Michael Rowlands

The development of elite associations has been a consequence of the growth of multi-partyism and the weakening of authoritarian state control in Cameroon in the 1990s. The attachment of electoral votes and rights of citizenship to belonging to ethnicised regions has encouraged the formal distinction between ‘natives’ and ‘strangers’ in the creation of a politics of belonging. The article argues that this development has also led to the replacement of political parties at the local level by ethnicised elite associations as prime movers in regional and national politics.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Kennedy

Abstract This paper argues that André Siegfried’s writings on Canada played a critical role in shaping his vision of French national identity. Siegfried’s studies of Canada have long been praised for their insight, but recent scholarship has emphasized his role in promoting both anti-Americanism and an exclusionary vision of what it meant to be French during the first half of the twentieth century. For Siegfried, Canada represented a site of managed contestation between British and French culture but also an early example of the deleterious effects of Americanization. His problematic view of French Canada as essentially conservative and unchanging in the face of such challenges reinforced his conviction that France itself should remain true to “traditional” values. The exclusionary implications of his ideas were most evident when Siegfried appeared to accommodate himself to the Vichy regime, but they also persisted after the Second World War.


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