The Early English Trade Unions: Documents from the Home Office Papers in the Public Record Office. By A. Aspinall, Professor of Modern History in the University of Reading. (London: Batchworth Press. 1949. Pp. xxxi, 410. 30s.)

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-140
Author(s):  
Heather McKnight

Recent, highly visible, struggles in Higher Education in the UK, such as the pensions strike, have aimed to recast such protests as part of a bigger struggle to maintain the public university. Viewing the shared pension scheme as one of the last defining features of a public institution. However, Federici in her recent book Re-enchanting the World: Feminism and the Politics of the Commons warns us if we wish to change the university in line with the public construction of a ‘knowledge commons’ that there is a need to question “the material conditions of the production of the university, its history and its relation to the surrounding communities” (Federici, 2019) and not just the academics within it. There is a need to consider how debate on knowledge production is insulated from the invisible work that sustains academic life including cleaners, cafeteria workers and groundkeepers, as well as to consider the potential colonisation of land institutions are built upon (Federici, 2019). Narratives of resistance to marketisation in Higher Education, while well meaning, still create disproportionate invisibility on the grounds of gender, race and socio-economic status, ignoring the material and intellectual value of such contributions. This paper considers how Federici’s approach to the politics of the commons discredit, deconstruct and potentially transform approaches to resistance to marketisation in education. It argues that struggles against marketisation, or for academic freedom, should be seen in the broader scope of access to education for all, and a continuum of co-dependant knowledge production. It will consider how different structures of privilege and oppression structure what is represented, resisted and fought for within and by the institution. Issues that are seen as marginal or controversial can be avoided in increasingly legislated upon, and therefore risk averse, students’ unions and trade unions. Which in turn reproduces a student and staff body that similarly continue to propagate such damaging structures both within and out with the institution. A rethinking around who the knowledge producers are, can help us restructure the university as a commons that resists the violence of capitalist logic, rather than one that upholds it. Thus problematising and reconstructing how we view the idea of a future university commons, in a way that recognises intersectional oppression and a misuse of certain bodies as a commons in and off themselves.


Author(s):  
G. W. Bernard

Bruce Wernham was born on 11 October 1906 at Ashmansworth, near Newbury, Berkshire, the son of a tenant farmer. He attended St Bartholomew's Grammar School, which he remembered with affection all his life, serving as Governor from 1944. In 1925 he went on to Exeter College, Oxford, and took a first in Modern History in 1928. He returned to study towards a D.Phil. His chosen theme was ‘Anglo-French relations in the age of Queen Elizabeth and Henri IV’, a subject that would remain at the centre of his interests for the rest of his life. After a year, he moved to London in order to work on the State Papers in the Public Record Office and the British Museum.


2003 ◽  
Vol 76 (192) ◽  
pp. 238-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Lawrence

Abstract This article uses press reports, pamphlet literature, politicians' diaries, parliamentary debates and Home Office/police papers at the Public Record Office to sustain two main arguments. Firstly, that contrary to recent revisionist accounts, revulsion at fascist violence played an important part in the failure of Mosley and British fascism. It is shown that the furore over blackshirt violence at Olympia in 1934 served to alienate Conservative opinion from fascist ‘extremism’ both in parliament and in the press, and also convinced both British Union of Fascists and communist leaders that they must dissociate themselves from responsibility for the organization of violence. Secondly, the article suggests that debates about Olympia highlighted profound disagreements over the legitimacy of dissent and protest in public politics, and over the proper role for the police and the law at indoor political meetings. Ultimately the reaction against fascist violence led to a significant increase in the state's role in this traditionally private sphere of political life.


1906 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 171-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. R. Reid

A popular movement like the Rebellion of the Earls can always be treated from two distinct standpoints, the national and the local. Hitherto, the Rebellion has always been treated from the national standpoint, with the result that, so far as I am aware, there is no book dealing with the Rebellion alone. All accounts of it must be sought in general histories such as those named below. I would specially mention the chapter in the ‘Cambridge Modern History’ in which Mr. Law has anticipated all the conclusions which I have been able to draw from my own examination of the sources. The local point of view, on the other hand, has been almost wholly ignored, and affords more opportunity for investigation; to it, therefore, I have confined myself. I cannot pretend that the essay is exhaustive, as circumstances have prevented me from investigating the local sources, such as Corporation and Town Records, Parish Registers and the like. Nevertheless, this contribution may not be wholly without value, since it is based on a careful study of the material preserved at the Public Record Office and in the British Museum.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document