The Political Rationale and Implications of Norway’s Military Involvement in Libya

Author(s):  
Dag Henriksen
1987 ◽  
Vol 8 (x) ◽  
pp. 71-92
Author(s):  
David L. Schalk

Striking similarities between France’s undeclared war in Algeria (1954–62) and the period of active American military involvement in Vietnam (1964–73) were noted as early as December 1964, four months after the Tonkin Gulf Resolution which signalled the escalation of the conflict in Vietnam. The parallels drawn range widely—from a global perspective of viewing both bitter and drawn out wars as episodes in a larger historical process of decolonization to a specific focus on political and military matters. Briefly, the political approach emphasizes the changes of regimes after four years of war in both countries, with more conservative governments ultimately making peace.


Author(s):  
Wawrzyniec Kowalski

The aim of the paper is to show how the peculiarities of the Venezuelan political system, expressed by Nicolas Maduro and implemented by forces concentrated around this person, affect in-ternational security. The article shows that there is a close correlation between the illiberal political system of contemporary Venezuela and the behavior of the authorities of this country on the interna-tional forum. The degree of military involvement of the Russian Federation in Venezuela was as-sessed. It has been shown that the political system of contemporary Venezuela is petrified by the features of the authoritarian system; thus these features become the source of its weakness. This, in turn, enables countries supporting Maduro's rule to strengthen their positions in this country, which Russia also benefits from. Russia benefits, however, from this situation with a visible reserve resulting from the awareness of the total economic inertia of this, nominally, one of Latin America's richest countries. It was emphasized that Moscow is increasingly taking a wait-and-see position towards Ca-racas, realizing the growing uncertainty about the investments made so far in the country.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2002 ◽  
Vol 17 (S2) ◽  
pp. S25
Author(s):  
Rannveig Bremer Fjær ◽  
Knut Ole Sundnes

In frequent humanitarian emergencies during the last decades, military forces increasingly have been engaged through provision of equipment and humanitarian assistance, and through peace-support operations. The objective of this study was to evaluate how military resources could be used in disaster preparedness as well as in disaster management and relief.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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