Europe’s LGBT Movement: France

Author(s):  
David Paternotte ◽  
Massimo Prearo

Four moments can be identified in the development of LGBT activism in France: the tensions between private actions and acting publicly (1954–1974), the movement as an activist project (1974–1989), the first attempts of institutionalization (1989–1994), and the emergence of a space of LGBT activism (1994–2013). These moments are identified based on the nature of the collective action, the internal structure of the movement, the representativeness of national collectives, and the political plurality of the community of the LGBT movement. They show the nonlinear trajectory of the LGBT movement in France and confirm that the project of an LGBT movement, a structured and representative national organization, has never been fully achieved in the country. Two characteristics of the French political and social system contribute to explain this situation: a strong and inaccessible state that transcends civil society, and the impact of Republicanism. The closure of the French state, which restricts the opportunities available to activists, has had a significant impact on activism. It not only contributes to the individualization of protest, but also leads to a radicalization of activism, a limited duration of groups over time, and a lack of centralization, institutionalization, and NGOization of social movement organizations. This closure partly results from the Republicanist ideology, which requires the state to transcend civil society groups and the particular interests they would defend in favor of so-called general will. If the development of Republican ideas has historically facilitated the development of LGBT rights, Republicanism has more recently prevented LGBT activists from articulating a specific political identity.

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tina Fetner

Social movement scholarship claims that opposing movements can createopportunities and generate mobilization for the other side. However, thereare still open questions as to how this influence between opposingmovements operates on an organizational level. This paper looks closely atone aspect of the impact of opposing movements: rhetorical strategies. Iexamine historical documents produced by social movement organizations todetermine the processes through which interactions between opposingmovements are integrated into the everyday work of producing movementclaims. This historical analysis evaluates the flyers, newsletters, andpress releases of lesbian and gay movement organizations in the UnitedStates over time, comparing documents produced before the emergence of theChristian antigay countermovement in 1977, with those produced immediatelyfollowing the countermovement’s entry into the political scene. I analyzethe shifts in lesbian and gay activists' claims between these two brieftime periods and link these changes to the presence of Christian antigayactivists. I find that frames, tone, and language shift for issues thatwere directly addressed by the Christian antigay movement (lesbian and gayrights), but that no similar change was present for issues on which theantigay movement remained silent (police harassment and lesbian/gay mediarepresentations). These findings support the claim that opposing movementsalter the political context in which the other side works, but they alsodemonstrate that new opportunities produced by an opposing movement may beissue-specific rather than movement-wide.


Author(s):  
Serhii O. Komnatnyi ◽  
Oleg S. Sheremet ◽  
Viacheslav E. Suslykov ◽  
Kateryna S. Lisova ◽  
Stepan D. Svorak

The article deals with the mechanism of impact of sociopsychological phenomena such as the national character and the political mentality in the construction and functioning of civil society. It aims to show the impact of climate, religion, and the perception of happiness on the state of civil society through details of a national nature. The main research method is to compare data from global research on the state of civil society with data from climatic conditions, dominant religions, and happiness indices. The article proves coincidently that these factors are reflected in such essential characteristics of civil society as "openness" and "closed-mindedness". The interaction between the national character and the construction of civil society has two stages. It is concluded that the results obtained are important to evaluate the prospects for the construction and development of civil society in different countries and regions of the world. Further research in this direction involves the study of other aspects of the impact of national character and political mindset on the functioning of civil society.


Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 200-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Sparks

This article considers the impact of terror and fear on the political health of liberal democratic societies. It examines the strategic use of terror to produce a politics of fear through an exploration of current Western reactions to terrorism. The argument is developed through a presentation of a three-part map of the politics of fear constituted by the instigation of fear, the (attempted) eradication of fear and the management of fear. Central to this presentation is an analysis of the destabilising effects the introduction of terror has on civil society and government, and of the effective ways of responding to it. Running through the presentation is an analysis of the constitution of terror and fear, their relationship to each other and to the general insecurities which beset liberal democracies.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yitzhak M. Brudny ◽  
Evgeny Finkel

The article discusses the impact of national identity on democratization and market reforms in Russia and Ukraine. We develop a concept of hegemonic national identity and demonstrate its role in Russian and Ukrainian post-communist political development. The article argues that Russia’s slide toward authoritarianism was to an important degree an outcome of the notions of national identity adopted by the main political players and society at large. In Ukraine, on the other hand, a hegemonic identity failed to emerge and the public discussion of issues of national identity led to the adoption of much more liberal and democratic notions of identity by a considerable part of the political elite. Adoption of this more liberal identity, in turn, was one of the main reasons for the Orange Revolution. The main theoretical implications of this argument are as follows: (a) choices of national identity profoundly affect the prospects for democracy in the newly democratizing states; (b) institutions do shape identities; (c) elites’ preference for (or opposition to) liberal democracy is not simply a consequence of their understanding of their self-interest in gaining and preserving power but also is dependent to a significant extent on their choices of political identity.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (02) ◽  
pp. 449-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Dorf ◽  
Sidney Tarrow

Since the 1980s, social movement scholars have investigated the dynamic of movement/countermovement interaction. Most of these studies posit movements as initiators, with countermovements reacting to their challenges. Yet sometimes a movement supports an agenda in response to a countermovement that engages in what we call “anticipatory countermobilization.” We interviewed ten leading LGBT activists to explore the hypothesis that the LGBT movement was brought to the fight for marriage equality by the anticipatory countermobilization of social conservatives who opposed same‐sex marriage before there was a realistic prospect that it would be recognized by the courts or political actors. Our findings reinforce the existing scholarship, but also go beyond it in emphasizing a triangular relationship among social movement organizations, countermovement organizations, and grassroots supporters of same‐sex marriage. More broadly, the evidence suggests the need for a more reciprocal understanding of the relations among movements, countermovements, and sociolegal change.


2020 ◽  
pp. 111-157
Author(s):  
Vinícius Zanoli

Neste artigo, baseado em investigação etnográfica realizada entre 2015 e 2019, discuto os impactos das relações entre movimentos sociais na consolidação de um ativismo interseccional. Trata-se de uma análise das redes nas quais atua o Aos Brados, um coletivo LGBTI, negro e da periferia fundado há mais de 20 anos em Campinas (São Paulo, Brasil). Aqui, demonstro como o grupo, ao circular por uma teia que conecta atores e movimentos distintos, passa a aderir e ressignificar noções e práticas políticas que circulam em tal rede. Ao analisar as atividades culturais que passaram a realizar a partir de 2008, evidencio a importância das relações entre ativismos na consolidação de uma identidade política coletiva e de um modo de atuar que valoriza as interseccionalidades, fato pouco explorado pela literatura sobre movimento LGBTI, em particular, e sobre movimentos sociais, de modo geral. Black, LGBTI and from the Favelas: The Impact of the Relationships between Movements in the Consolidation of Intersectional Activisms Abstract: In this article, based on an ethnographic investigation carried between 2015 and 2019, I address the impact of the relationships between social movements in the consolidation of an intersectional activism. The analysis is centered on the political networks of a black, peripheric and LGBTI organization: Aos Brados; founded in 1998 in Campinas (São Paulo, Brazil). Here, I demonstrate how, while moving through a web that connects different movements, the group reframes notions and practices circulating in this network. Through the analysis of the cultural activities that the group organizes since 2008, I reveal the significance of the relationships between social movements in the strengthening of a collective political identity and a form of acting that invests in intersectionality; a fact underexplored in the literature. Keywords: Social Movements, LGBTI Movement, Black Movement; Intersectional Activism  


2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (142) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Roberta Rice

This study examines the emergence of indigenous movements as powerful new social and political actors in Latin America. Bolivia’s indigenous movement, in particular, stands out for its mobilizational and organizational capacity in uniting diverse sectors of civil society in the struggle against neoliberalism. The study explores the evolution of indigenous movement strategies in Bolivia, beginning from the transition to democracy in the early 1980s until the presidential victory of indigenous leader Evo Morales of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party in late 2005. Special attention is paid to the rise of contemporary indigenous-based parties rooted in established social movement organizations as well as the role of the indigenous movement in the Bolivian ‘Water War’ of 2000 and the ‘Gas War’ of 2003. The study contends that the success of Bolivia’s contemporary indigenous movement is largely the result of its two-pronged strategy based on unwavering opposition in both the streets and in parliament and its capacity to combine competing class- and ethnic- based demands.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua A. Basseches

The political mediation model explains movement policy outcomes ranging from complete failure to total success. However, the qualitative mechanisms through which political mediation occurs empirically remain understudied, especially as they relate to the content-specifying stages of the legislative process. Furthermore, while we know that political mediation is context dependent, key elements of what political context entails remain underspecified. This article addresses these gaps by tracing the influence of a coalition of social movement organizations (SMOs) seeking to simultaneously shape the content of two major climate bills in a progressive U.S. state where the climate movement enjoys a relatively favorable political context overall. Comparing the divergent trajectories and outcomes of the two bills illuminates the process of legislative buffering, which is conceptualized as an informal mechanism of political mediation. The comparative analysis also reveals situational elements of political context that can present additional hurdles movements must overcome to maximize their success.


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