The Descriptive Representation of Women in Politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa
Keyword(s):  
Symbolic Representation ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Citizen Attitudes ◽  
Significant Area ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
National Legislature

Women remain strikingly underrepresented in politics: as of 2020, women hold only 25% of seats in the world’s national legislatures. Studies of women’s descriptive representation can be divided into two broad categories. The first category of scholarship seeks to understand when, why, and how women are elected to political office. Earlier academic work on the descriptive representation of women primarily analyzed social (educational levels, workforce participation rates) and cultural factors to understand women’s descriptive underrepresentation in politics. Institutional factors emerged as a significant area of scholarship, buoyed by the adoption and near immediate success of gender quotas. Scholarship has also centered on political parties and contextual factors (candidate selection and recruitment processes, the effects of crisis). A second category of work examines the effects of women’s descriptive representation on the substantive and symbolic representation of women, and increasingly whether women’s descriptive representation begets more women in office. The scholarship on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation has found strong evidence that having women in office results in the representation of women’s interests. Establishing how the descriptive representation of women affects citizen attitudes—such as their interest in politics and trust in government institutions—has yielded more mixed results. Nonetheless, the scholarship on the effects of women’s descriptive representation largely confirms that having women in office matters for outcomes related to policy and citizen attitudes. The rich work that has been done to date on women’s descriptive representation could benefit from expanding the definition of the term. Although scholars have relied on a head count of women in positions of power—and notably often just in the national legislature—to assess descriptive representation, a more expansive approach to defining women’s descriptive representation is needed. Researchers ought to consider other ways in which representatives can descriptively represent constituents, for example, by calling attention to their role as women in their parliamentary speeches. Moreover, the study of women’s descriptive representation would benefit from greater attention to women’s descriptive representation at subnational levels; too often, the proportion of women in the national legislature is equated with women’s descriptive representation, leaving out how women can be descriptively represented at other levels of office, in particular, in local positions. Examining within-country variation in women’s officeholding could be particular fruitful in understanding the factors that affect women’s descriptive representation, including the pipelines to higher office. Furthermore, studying differences in descriptive representation for elected versus appointed positions could prove instructive. In addition, more scholarship is needed that takes an intersectional approach to studying both the factors that help or hinder women’s descriptive representation and the ways in which descriptive representation affects substantive and symbolic representation.

scholarly journals Gender parity and the symbolic representation of women in Senegal

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-481
Author(s):  
Marianne Tøraasen
Keyword(s):  
Symbolic Representation ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Gender Parity ◽  
Attitudinal Changes ◽  
People’S Perceptions

AbstractFollowing the adoption of the Senegalese Law on Parity and the subsequent influx of women to the National Assembly, we saw a strong gendered polarisation of attitudes towards women as political leaders among the Senegalese population. This study explores whether similar attitudinal changes are found among political elites in the Senegalese National Assembly. Theory suggests that an increase in the number of women elected to legislatures (‘descriptive representation’) will challenge people's perceptions of politics as a male domain and strengthen belief in women's ability to govern (‘symbolic representation’). Although the effects of gender quotas on women's representation has received considerable scholarly attention, the field of symbolic representation remains under-studied. A case study of the effects of the Senegalese parity law addresses this knowledge gap, contributing with new empirical insights. This study also develops indicators that can help measure potential developments in the symbolic representation of women. Parity appears to have contributed to slightly more acceptance towards women as political leaders within the National Assembly. The findings are discussed in the last section.

How Visibility Matters

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-54
Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa ◽  
Miki Caul Kittilson
Keyword(s):  
Sense Of Belonging ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Symbolic Representation ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Elected Office ◽  
Mass Level ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

Chapter 2 presents our theoretical framework underpinning expectations about how increases in descriptive representation—the number of women in politics—act as symbols to elicit changes in orientations toward politics, especially among women. We argue that women’s inclusion fosters a sense of belonging among women in the electorate. Importantly, these cues about women’s inclusion must be visible to ordinary citizens. Widespread awareness of quotas and women’s numbers in elected office are key implicit assumptions in much prior research on descriptive and symbolic representation. We argue that gender quotas and women’s presence in office can only yield changes in mass-level attitudes under conditions of visibility. We develop a visible cue theory of representation, linking descriptive to symbolic representation. We contend that having more women in politically powerful positions signals that politics is not strictly an arena for men (but only if citizens are aware of women’s political presence).

7. Representation

2021 ◽  
pp. 112-131
Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt ◽  
Sven-Oliver Proksch ◽  
Jonathan B. Slapin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Symbolic Representation ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Basic Question ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Different Types

This chapter addresses the various concepts of political representation, such as substantive, descriptive, and symbolic. It then examines which institutions foster different types of representation. It presents two different visions of democracy: proportional and majoritarian. It considers what they imply for congruence and responsiveness. The chapter delves deeper into descriptive representation by looking at the representation of women across legislatures. When considering symbolic representation it looks at action taken by members of parliament. The chapter asks the basic question: to what extent, and in what ways, does a political system represent its citizens?

scholarly journals Reframing ‘integration’: acknowledging and addressing five core critiques

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Spencer ◽  
Katharine Charsley
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Research ◽  
Recent Criticism ◽  
Heuristic Model ◽  
Migration Studies ◽  
Methodological Nationalism ◽  
Narrow Focus ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractEmpirical and theoretical insights from the rich body of research on ‘integration’ in migration studies have led to increasing recognition of its complexity. Among European scholars, however, there remains no consensus on how integration should be defined nor what the processes entail. Integration has, moreover, been the subject of powerful academic critiques, some decrying any further use of the concept. In this paper we argue that it is both necessary and possible to address each of the five core critiques on which recent criticism has focused: normativity; negative objectification of migrants as ‘other’; outdated imaginary of society; methodological nationalism; and a narrow focus on migrants in the factors shaping integration processes. We provide a definition of integration, and a revised heuristic model of integration processes and the ‘effectors’ that have been shown to shape them, as a contribution to a constructive debate on the ways in which these challenges for empirical research can be overcome.

scholarly journals THE PROTECTION OF THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR: THE POLITICS OF ADAM SMITH’S POLITICAL ECONOMY

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-158
Author(s):  
James A. Harris
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
General Attitude ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Natural Forms ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure

AbstractMy point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.

scholarly journals ‘Subject’ and EPP in Greek: The discontinuous subject hypothesis

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Philippaki-Warburton ◽  
Vassilios Spyropoulos
Keyword(s):  
Satisfactory Explanation ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Extended Projection ◽  
Theoretical Advantage ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Definition Of

In the present study we examine the notion ‘subject’ in finite clauses in Greek, a null-subject language, and we investigate the connection between the rich morphological marking of subject-agreement on the verb and the definition of this notion. We propose that ‘subject’ in Greek should be analysed as a discontinuous element which consists of a null nominal element in the SpecTP position satisfying the Extended Projection Principle (EPP), associated with a pro at the relevant theta-position inside the VP. We argue that this analysis has not only the theoretical advantage of maintaining the universally strong value of EPP, but also, perhaps more importantly, the descriptive advantage of providing a satisfactory explanation for a number of apparent idiosyncrasies of Greek constructions.

Conclusion

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher F. Karpowitz ◽  
Tali Mendelberg
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Social Group ◽  
Symbolic Representation ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
Disadvantaged Groups ◽  
Physical Presence ◽  
Subordinate Group ◽  
Different Types

This concluding chapter discusses how scholars have established the utility of different types of representation for disadvantaged groups. Descriptive representation refers to the physical presence of a social group in the setting of decision making. Substantive representation occurs when the concerns, values, sensibilities, or interests of that group are expressed, acted upon, and ultimately influence the outcome in some way. Symbolic representation is defined as the notion that the group is capable of governing, that its exercise of power is legitimate. The book's findings suggest an additional type of representation. In order to obtain substantive and symbolic representation, a subordinate group requires that the conditions of discussion provide the group with authoritative representation.

Allusions to the Victim and Sacrifice in the Andrey Kurbsky’s History and Reception of the 17th — Early 18th Centuries

2021 ◽  
pp. 186-207
Author(s):  
Alexey I. Popovich ◽  
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Transitional Period ◽  
Literary Context ◽  
History Of ◽  
Interpretation Process ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Ivan The Terrible ◽  
Definition Of

The literary topoi and allusions to the victim and sacrifice in the biblical and historical context at the same time played a great role for Andrey Kurbsky as a traditionalist and innovator writer in the embodiment of the complex author’s intention of the History of the Grand Prince of Moscow (the second half of the 16th century). The article notes that the writer distinguishes, as opposites, the axiology of sacrificial feat for power doer and persecuted heroes. The article reveals the diverse reception of the author’s interpretation by readers and scribes of History. Kurbsky’s contemporaries and readers of the late 17th — early 18th century had different attitudes toward Kurbsky’s definition of the personality of Ivan the Terrible who makes unrighteous victims and the characterization of people affected by him as new martyrs. The rich handwritten tradition of History, including as part of the Kurbsky Collections, contributed to the emergence of new reader’s interpretations based on literary topoi and allusions used by Kurbsky. The intellectuals of the ‘transitional’ period A.S. Matveev, Evfimy Chudovsky, A.I. Lyzlov, V.V. Golitsyn and others were involved in this process. Textological and typological comparisons of certain monuments and Kurbsky’s History contributed to a deeper understanding of the literary context of the time when the prince’s writings spread. The study also helped to determine which Kurbsky’s ideas about the victim and sacrifice remained relevant for members of different class groups, and which were leveled out and outdated in the text interpretation process.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document